Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro ran for president on a campaign promising Paz Total—Total Peace. He promised to give the FARC dissidents, the vicious ELN guerillas, and mafias like the Clan del Golfo a good talking to, and with that, they will just lay down their weapons and become model citizens. Petro promised that through dialogue with bloodthirsty kidnappers and extortionists, they would be willing to stop being bloodthirsty kidnappers and extortionists; as if they are just misunderstood little muffins who only need a hug.

Nubia Carolina Córdoba, governor of Chocó, Colombia (photo from her Twitter account)

According to figures compiled by the Universidad Externado and reported by The City Paper Bogotá, Colombia has recorded 40,663 homicides during the first three years of the Petro presidency. Over 400 human rights defenders have been slaughtered between 2022 and 2025 according to the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights. Human Rights Watch reports that the ELN and FARC dissidents have expanded their territories by up to 55%. They are taking back over Colombia.

Under Gustavo Petro’s watch, Colombia has returned to the Institute for Economics and Peace’s Global Terrorism Index top ten list of countries impacted by terrorism, along with Total Peace destinations like Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, and Syria. Just this past week, a Clan del Golfo poster was put up within walking distance from the Aeropuerto Internacional José María Córdova just outside of Medellín. This Total Peace nonsense is a failure.

Right now, in the neglected Pacific department of Chocó, the ELN has kidnapped whole communities. Petro ran a campaign promising that he was going to embrace these historically neglected communities—places like Chocó, Nariño, La Guajira, and Norte de Santander—but insecurity is increasing. Chocó’s governor, Nubia Carolina Córdoba, says 6,047 people are trapped inside of their homes because the ELN has announced an illegal armed curfew in the municipality of Bajo Baudó. Most of these people are already poor, and now they have been kidnapped en masse by this guerilla group that operates with impunity because Gustavo Petro coddles them with “dialogue.”

According to Governor Córdoba, they attacked the police station in the village of Santa Rita using grenades attached to drones. It has gotten so bad that Colombia has restricted the entry of drones into the country. These people are calling out for help, but the president insists on talking as the ELN grows and continues to menace the police forces, the Colombian military, and, most importantly, the innocent public.

There is currently public disorder where belligerents have completely blocked the roads in the north of Antioquia, in the region called Bajo Cauca, and also in the neighboring department of Córdoba. The city of Caucasia is under curfew. Antioquia’s Governor, Andrés Rendón, has urgently called on the national government to stop the talk and take action. Groups are attacking ambulances and burning people’s motorcycles as they try to get by the roadblocks, regardless of the emergency.

Governor Rendón stated: “There can be no dialogue amidst blockades and human rights violations. It’s been seven days now with the Bajo Cauca region paralyzed and the country held hostage by chaos.” He called on the Fiscalía General de la Nación to bring those responsible to justice and challenged the Minister of Defense, Pedro Sánchez, to order the immediate reopening of the roads. “We’re not talking about small-scale miners here; behind this are criminal structures, as everyone knows, that finance themselves through illegal mining and move billions of pesos,” Rendón added, demanding full authority against the criminals who use communities as a shield.

El gobernador de Antioquia, @AndresJRendonC, se pronunció sobre la situación de orden público en el Bajo Cauca, en medio de los bloqueos que ya completan varios días y afectan la movilidad y la seguridad en la región. @GobAntioquia pic.twitter.com/4SPQgTa68r

— MiOriente (@MiOriente) March 22, 2026

The current situation with these organized criminal groups—whether regular mafias like the Clan del Golfo or murderous Marxist guerillas like the ELN and the FARC dissidents—is reminiscent of a classroom where a substitute teacher has lost all control. Petro promised Total Peace, but the result has been Total Chaos. Investors do not want to deal with this mess. While the Petro government claims they want tourism to be a major economic driver, road blocks make many areas look like scenes out of Mad Max: Road Warrior. Whole zones of the Pacific coast are unsafe even for residents, met with pure impotence from the regime.

Ten years ago, it was safe to drive from Medellín to the beachside town of Coveñas in Sucre, but that is no longer the case. While it remains safe to visit Colombia for business or tourism in major hubs like Bogotá, Medellín, Santa Marta, or the San Andrés islands, the long-term outlook is concerning. My hope is that Colombians choose a future leader serious about law and order as a prerequisite for human rights. It is not only the government that we need to protect human rights from; those who kill, steal, kidnap, and forcibly recruit children are violating those rights as well.

Colombian anti-explosives experts inspect propaganda by the Clan del Golfo mafia group just minutes away from Medellin’s international airport in March, 2026 (image from Facebook).

Sale to Parex shifts company focus to midstream assets and LNG.

Frontera Energy Corporation (TSX: FEC) announced a net loss from continuing operations of $663 million USD for the fourth quarter of 2025. This figure includes a non-cash impairment of $603 million USD related to the divestment of the company’s Colombian exploration and production (E&P) portfolio and a $17 million USD impairment regarding its Guyana interest. The company has scheduled a special meeting of shareholders for April 30, 2026, to vote on the divestiture of these assets to Parex Resources Inc. (TSX: PXT).

The definitive agreement for the divestiture establishes a firm value of approximately $750 million USD. The transaction includes up to $525 million USD in equity consideration. Following the completion of the sale, Frontera Energy Corporation intends to distribute approximately $470 million USD to shareholders, which equates to approximately CAD $9.18 per share. This distribution includes a $25 million USD contingent payment.

The divestment marks a strategic shift for the Calgary-based company as it transitions into an infrastructure-focused business model. The new structure is anchored by interests in the Oleoducto de los Llanos Orientales S.A. (ODL) pipeline and the Sociedad Portuaria Regional Puerto Bahía S.A. maritime terminal. For the full year of 2025, the infrastructure segment reported an adjusted EBITDA of $116.6 million USD and a distributable cash flow of $76.7 million USD.

“Frontera now enters its next phase as a more focused, cash-generative infrastructure company, well positioned to deliver durable returns.” — Gabriel de Alba, Chairman of the Board of Directors, Frontera Energy Corporation

A central component of this new strategy is the development of a potential liquefied natural gas (LNG) regasification project in partnership with Ecopetrol S.A. (NYSE: EC, BVC: ECOPETROL). Puerto Bahía has secured a take-or-pay agreement with Ecopetrol S.A., subject to certain conditions, for the project. The initiative is planned in two phases, starting with an initial capacity of approximately 126 million cubic feet per day (MMcfd), with projections to reach at least 300 MMcfd by 2029.

In terms of operational metrics for 2025, Frontera reported an average production of 39,011 barrels of oil equivalent per day (boed). The company recorded an operating EBITDA of $308 million USD for the year. Production costs averaged $9.23/boe, while energy costs were $5.49/boe and transportation costs reached $12.00/boe.

The year-end independent reserves assessment, conducted by DeGolyer and MacNaughton Corp, placed the company’s gross reserves at 94.4 million Boe for the 1P category and 133.8 million Boe for the 2P category. All of the company’s booked reserves as of December 31, 2025, are located within Colombia.

On the environmental and social front, the company reported that 70,162 tons of CO2 equivalent were absorbed through environmental compensation areas in 2025. Additionally, 35% of operational water was reused during the same period. The company also noted a total of $95.1 million USD in purchases from local goods and services suppliers.

Upon the anticipated closing of the arrangement in the second quarter of 2026, Frontera Energy will retain its midstream assets in Colombia and certain non-Colombian interests, including those in Guyana. The company expects to allocate $25 million USD from the sale proceeds to further fund its infrastructure business and strategic growth projects.

New Africa initiative drives 112% growth in non-mining exports.

The Ministerio de Comercio, Industria y Turismo (Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Tourism) hosted the first Foro de Reencuentro Económico CELAC–África at the Ágora Convention Center in Bogotá on March 20, 2026. The event, held as part of a broader high-level forum, aimed to strengthen commercial and investment ties between Colombia and the African continent. During the proceedings, officials identified various sectors for potential growth, including jewelry, agricultural machinery, construction materials, software, digital marketing, and food and beverages.

Minister of Trade Diana Marcela Morales Rojas stated that the forum represents a strategic shift toward trade equity and shared economic opportunities. Over the past four years, the Colombian government has sought to diversify its market reach through economic diplomacy, trade missions, and the establishment of new logistical routes to Africa. Data from 2025 indicates that these efforts have resulted in a significant increase in non-mining and non-energy exports to the continent.

“We aim for this forum to mark the beginning of a new stage: one of strategic cooperation, trade with equity, and the construction of shared opportunities.” — Diana Marcela Morales Rojas, Minister of Trade, Industry, and Tourism.

According to ministry figures, non-mining exports to Africa reached $296.5 million USD in 2025, representing a 112% increase compared to 2024. In terms of volume, these shipments totaled 209,273 tons, a 226.8% rise over the previous year. These goods accounted for 46.6% of Colombia’s total exports to the continent, signaling a shift toward a more diversified export basket. Key products driving this growth include coffee, bananas, machinery, paper, and apparel.

The number of Colombian firms participating in this trade has also expanded. In 2025, 165 companies exported non-mining goods to Africa with values exceeding $10,000 USD, up from 145 companies in 2024. This 15.2% growth in participating firms underscores a transition toward higher value-added exports. Vice President Francia Márquez Mina noted that the economies of Latin America and Africa are complementary, offering potential for the development of new value chains and the utilization of strategic mineral reserves necessary for the global energy transition.

A central component of the forum was a business matchmaking event held on March 17 and 18. Preliminary results from the session show expected trade operations totaling $16 million USD. Nicolás Mejía, Vice President of Exports at ProColombia, characterized the results as a validation of the current market diversification plan. Since the beginning of the current administration, the government has implemented the Estrategia África 2022–2026 to strengthen socioeconomic relations with the region.

Through commercial intelligence analysis, the Colombian government has prioritized nine specific markets for its diplomatic and economic deployment: South Africa, Angola, Mozambique, Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, Egypt, Tunisia, and Algeria. These nations serve as the primary focus for the continued implementation of the 2022–2026 strategy.

Above photo: MinCIT/Ricardo Báez.

Ricardo Roa was appointed CEO of Ecopetrol after serving as Colombian President Gustavo Petro’s campaign manager. The Presidential campaign is also under investigation for campaign finance violations.

The controversy surrounding the filing of charges against Ricardo Roa Barragán, president of Colombia´s oil and energy company, Ecopetrol, has taken a new turn following the leak of an internal report suggesting that more than $42 million USD may have been transferred to a private company based in the British Virgin Islands.

According to disclosed information, “the media outlet 6AM W obtained documents showing the link between the USD 42 million payment made by Ecopetrol and a company connected to Serafino Iácono,” as stated by the outlet itself.

It is important to recall that on March 11, Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office (Fiscalía General de la Nación – FGN) formally charged Ricardo Roa Barragán with the alleged crime of influence peddling by a public official. According to the accusation, the executive allegedly intervened to favor a third party (Serafino Iácono) in the assignment of a gasification project in exchange for personal benefits. The FGN stated that Roa “ordered that a specific person be assigned to a gasification project in exchange for a reduction in the price of an apartment” located in northern Bogotá. During the hearing, the executive did not accept the charges.

Regarding the leaked documents, 6AM W reports that the published material “is a memorandum produced following a communication between the lawyers of Miller & Chevallier, hired by Ecopetrol, and Charles Cain, head of the Anti-Corruption Unit for Foreign Operators at the US Securities Exchange Commission (SEC).” This suggests that the document is an internal Ecopetrol report produced in 2024.

Additionally, the report includes references to an “audit commissioned by Ecopetrol to Control Risks, which identifies Iácono as a possible beneficiary of the alleged irregular payment of $42 million USD made through a purchase option” of power generation plants linked to the company Genser, associated with the businessman.

The leaked documents can be accessed through the Caracol Radio website via “Las contradicciones de Ecopetrol y Serafino Iácono en el caso del apartamento de Roa y Termomorichal.”

For his part, Serafino Iácono issued a statement, published by La República via the social network X, in which he affirms that since April 7, 2017, he has had no relationship with the company and that the transaction in question took place in 2023, after his departure.

At this stage, although the information has been reported by the media, judicial decisions remain under the authority of Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office, which is leading the proceedings against Ricardo Roa. Iacono said that he would be filing suit against Control Risks, and hired well-known Colombian lawyer Jaime Lombana Villalba to begin the process.

For further context, readers are encouraged to consult the article “Colombia’s Top Prosecutor Charges Ecopetrol President in Alleged Influence-peddling Case,” published by Finance Colombia.

Beyond the communications previously issued and reported by Finance Colombia in the aforementioned article, no new official statements have been released by Ecopetrol’s board of directors since March 12, prior to the information leak. Finance Colombia has reached out to Iacono for comment and will report any additional information.

The investigation into Colombia’s President comes on the heels of Petro’s visit to Washington & meeting with Trump.

The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) has designated Colombian President Gustavo Petro as a priority target as federal prosecutors in New York investigate potential connections to narcotics trafficking organizations. Records indicate that the US Department of Justice is reviewing multiple inquiries dating back to 2022, primarily supported by information from confidential informants.

The investigations involve allegations regarding interactions with the Sinaloa cartel and the possible use of the Paz Total policy to benefit specific traffickers who reportedly contributed to the 2022 presidential campaign. Documents also mention the potential use of law enforcement assets to facilitate the transport of cocaine and fentanyl through maritime terminals. The priority target designation is applied to individuals whom the DEA identifies as having a significant influence on international narcotics distribution.

President Petro has denied any involvement with criminal organizations or the acceptance of illicit funds for his political activities. In a statement released on social media, he suggested that legal proceedings in the US would eventually disprove allegations originating from political opponents. The Embassy of Colombia in Washington stated that the reports are based on unverified and anonymous sources.

“The reported insinuations have no legal or factual basis,” stated the Embassy of Colombia in Washington.

The inquiry has expanded in recent months, with prosecutors in the Eastern and Southern Districts of New York questioning detained individuals about allegations that representatives of the administration solicited bribes in exchange for preventing extradition to the US. It has not been confirmed whether formal charges will be filed against the president, and the White House has stated it has played no role in the independent judicial process.

Portions of the DEA records cite a 2024 interview regarding allegations that former aides and officials from Ecopetrol (NYSE: EC) (BVC: ECOPETROL) were used to launder funds. Ricardo Roa, the president of Ecopetrol, has denied these claims. Simultaneously, the US Department of the Treasury previously sanctioned Petro in late 2025, citing concerns over cocaine production levels, though specific evidence was not made public at that time.

While Petro denies connections to criminal groups, it is important to note that he was a member of the homicidal M-19 guerilla group in Colombia from his teenage years until the group laid down its arms in 1987. Petro served prison time for illegal arms possession due to his activities with the M-19.

Domestic investigations in Colombia are also ongoing regarding the president’s relatives. His son, Nicolas Petro, faced charges in 2023 related to the alleged receipt of funds from a convicted trafficker. Furthermore, the president’s brother, Juan Fernando Petro, has been linked to investigations involving unauthorized negotiations with inmates at the La Picota prison regarding the Paz total framework and extradition protections.

Witnesses currently in US custody who may be relevant to the ongoing probes include former members of the Venezuelan Cartel de Los Soles and various Colombian nationals recently extradited, such as individuals associated with the La Inmaculada organization and the Clan del Golfo (Gulf Clan). Some reports suggest that sums near $500 million COP were discussed in exchange for gestores de paz (“Peace Manager”) status, though these allegations remain under judicial review.

Headline photo: Colombian President Gustavo Petro (photo César Carrión, Presidencia de Colombia)

This mobile cinema initiative in Medellín provides training for 4,000 creators to boost local digital advertising and entrepreneurship.

MEDELLÍN — The mobile film festival SMARTFILMS announced the launch of its third edition in the “City of the Eternal Primavera” on March 17, 2026. The initiative aims to democratize cinema and foster local creative talent through technology and audiovisual narratives. The program’s goal is to train 4,000 participants in the technical skills required to produce films using mobile devices.

The launch is supported by the Alcaldía de Medellín (Medellín mayor’s office), which is providing 3,300 training slots, the Área Metropolitana del Valle de Aburrá (Aburrá Valley metropolitan area) with 300 slots, and the Cámara de Comercio de Medellín para Antioquia with 250 slots. Additional strategic partners include EPM and Fenalco Antioquia, organizations that focus on regional innovation and commercial development. The official opening, led by CEO Yesenia Valencia, took place at the Poblado branch of the Chamber of Commerce,

“SMARTFILMS is not just a festival; it is a platform that demonstrates that to tell a great story, one only needs a good idea and the device everyone carries in their pocket.”

The 2026 program utilizes a four-phase methodology designed to transition creators into digital entrepreneurs. The first phase involves mass training for 4,000 individuals in mobile audiovisual production. In the second phase, 400 selected participants will attend a specialized bootcamp at the Cámara de Comercio de Medellín para Antioquia featuring industry experts. The third phase focuses on business skills for 40 finalists, covering marketing, digital advertising, budgeting, and legal contracts.

In the final stage, participants must produce advertising content for three local neighborhood businesses to assist in their digital transition. Financial incentives include prizes of $10 million COP for first place, $5 million COP for second place, and $3 million COP for third place. Additionally, finalists receive seed capital of $1.5 million COP per person for recording equipment. Registration is managed through the cineconcelular.com platform.

The festival reports a significant regional economic impact, generating 115 direct jobs and over 300 indirect jobs. The direct positions include 33 payroll staff and 82 contractors based in Medellín. Since its inception, the model has trained 8,000 people and led to the creation of 120 businesses nationwide. These creative enterprises currently report monthly revenues ranging from $2 million COP to $10 million COP.

The 2026 version of the project seeks to expand its reach across all districts of the metropolitan area to stimulate the development of cultural companies and social transformation. Documentation from the organizers highlights a 0% desertion rate among participants over the last two years.

Berlin has historically reported indications of Rare Earth Elements, Vanadium, Phosphate and Uranium — Positioned as Potential Non-Chinese Critical Minerals Project in the Western Hemisphere

TORONTO — Jaguar Uranium Corp. (NYSE American: JAGU) has commenced an initial rare earth element assessment program at its flagship Berlin Project in Caldas, Colombia. The site is a polymetallic sedimentary deposit containing uranium mineralization alongside associated rare earth elements (REE) and battery-related commodities such as vanadium, phosphate, nickel, molybdenum, rhenium, and yttrium.

The company plans to utilize approximately 20,000 meters of preserved historic drill core for selective re-sampling and assaying. This approach is intended to advance early-stage REE characterization without the immediate requirement for new drilling. The program represents the first dedicated effort by the company to evaluate the rare earth potential of the 9,053-hectare concession area.

“The results could be a step-change in how this project is understood and technically evaluated.” — Steven Gold, Chief Executive Officer, Jaguar Uranium Corp.

“We are now attempting to advance the recognition that Berlin could represent a relevant non-China based critical mineral deposits in the western hemisphere and specifically in Latin America,” stated Steven Gold, Chief Executive Officer of Jaguar Uranium Corp. “We believe the results could be a step-change in how this project is understood and technically evaluated.”

The strategic shift toward REE evaluation follows a period of increased global policy attention regarding critical mineral supply chains. Materials required for defense systems, electric vehicles, and clean energy infrastructure have become a priority for Western governments seeking to diversify away from Chinese-dominated markets. Gracelin Baskaran, director of the Critical Minerals Security Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), has indicated that the US and the European Union are working to foster independent markets for these materials.

The Berlin Project deposit is situated within a layered sedimentary sequence of phosphate-bearing limestone. The company is employing a three-phase approach for its assessment: core logging and systematic re-sampling, multi-element geological modeling, and an evaluation of by-product economics. This modeling will integrate REE assay data with existing datasets for uranium, vanadium, and phosphate to establish a technical foundation for future resource estimates.

Infrastructure at the site includes proximity to a hydroelectric power source 12 kilometers away and access to a river port approximately 65 kilometers from the project, providing a logistical route to the Caribbean coast. The company, which completed a $25 million USD initial public offering on the NYSE American (NYSE American: JAGU) in February 2026, is also managing the Laguna Salada Project in the Argentine province of Chubut and the Huemul mine in Mendoza.

Technical information regarding the program was approved by Owen D. W. Miller, a qualified person as defined by NI 43-101. The company noted that the Berlin Project remains in the exploration stage and does not currently host mineral resources or reserves as defined under SEC Regulation S-K 1300.

Above photo: Col. John P. Kunstbeck scans uranium ore for alpha and beta radiation signatures outside of a uranium mill. (Photo Credit: U.S. Army photo by Maj. Mark S. Quint)

Though surprises are possible, polling says the front runners are Iván Cepeda, Abelardo de la Espriella, and Paloma Valencia.

The Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil of Colombia (RNEC), the entity responsible for organizing elections in the country, reported that a total of 14 candidates have officially registered to run in the country’s presidential elections, scheduled for May 31, 2026. In this vote, citizens will elect the President and Vice President of the Republic for the 2026–2030 term.

According to the electoral authority, the candidates represent a wide range of political perspectives, from left to right, including independent candidacies running through political movements. Here the list and brief profile of the candidates:

1. Clara Eugenia López Obregón, currently a senator for the Esperanza Democrática She has served as Minister of Labor (2016–2017), acting mayor of Bogotá (2011–2012), and Bogotá’s secretary of government (2008–2010). She has been affiliated with left-wing parties and was Gustavo Petro’s vice presidential running mate in the 2010 election.
2. Óscar Mauricio Lizcano, from the FAMILIA coalition. He served as Minister of Information Technologies (2023–2025), was a senator (2010–2018), and a member of the House of Representatives (2006–2010).
3. Raúl Santiago Botero, candidate of the “Romper el Sistema” movement (Break the Establishment). An agronomist engineer and businessman from Medellín, he presents himself as an independent candidate with no prior political experience.
4. Miguel Uribe Londoño, father of the slain presidential candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay. He is running under the Colombian Democratic Party and previously served as president of the Centro Democrático party founded by Álvaro Uribe Vélez.
5. Sondra Macollins Garvin, from the movement “La Abogada de Hierro” (The Iron Lawyer) A criminal lawyer and psychologist, she presents herself as an independent candidate without political affiliations. She ran for the House of Representatives in 2022 and is known for her work in narcotrafficking and corruption cases.
6. Iván Cepeda Castro, a senator since 2014 and the official candidate of the Pacto Histórico, the same party as President Gustavo Petro. Polls project he will receive the highest vote share in the first election round. He is aligned with left-wing political ideas.
7. Abelardo de la Espriella, a lawyer with far-right positions, running for the first time under the Defensores de la Patria movement. Recent polls place him as a likely second or third contender in voter preference.
8. Claudia López Hernández, former mayor of Bogotá (2020–2023) and former senator (2014–2018), running under the centrist movement “Imparables con Claudia.” She is known for her anti-corruption agenda and secured her candidacy with more than 570,000 votes (about 9%) in recent interparty primaries.
9. Paloma Valencia Laserna, current senator and candidate of the Centro Democrático party led by Álvaro Uribe Vélez. She won the right-wing interparty primary on March 8 with more than 3 million votes. Polls place her among the top three contenders, and if she reaches a runoff, she would become the first woman in Colombia’s history to do so.

• Sergio Fajardo Valderrama, an academic and mathematician running for the Dignidad y Compromiso He served as mayor of Medellín and governor of Antioquia and is running for president for the third time.
• Roy Barreras, from the political party La Fuerza (The Force). He won the left-wing coalition primary on March 8 with the lowest vote total (257,000 votes, about 3.6%). Although currently aligned with left-wing movements and part of the Petro administration, he has previously been affiliated with right- and center-leaning parties.
• Gustavo Matamoros Camacho, of the Colombian Ecologist Party. He served in the Colombian Army for 43 years. With no prior political experience, his campaign focuses on public security.
• Luis Gilberto Murillo, who served as Minister of Foreign Affairs (2024–2025) and Colombia’s ambassador to the United States (2022–2024). A human rights advocate and Afro-Colombian leader from Chocó, he presents himself as an independent, moderate, centrist candidate.
• Carlos Eduardo Caicedo, running under the independent movement “Con Caicedo.” He was mayor of Santa Marta (2012–2015) and governor of Magdalena (2020–2023), where he built a strong base as a left-wing political leader.

The RNEC also reported that “the draw to determine the position of presidential candidates on the ballot will take place on March 25 at the Ágora Bogotá Convention Center.”

This process marks the formal start of the final phase of the presidential campaign, during which candidates will seek to consolidate support ahead of the first round on May 31. If no candidate secures an absolute majority, a runoff between the two leading candidates will be held on June 21.

List of registered candidates for Colombia’s presidency. Photo courtesy of the Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil.

Headline photo: Polling station in Colombia during last Congress elections in March 8, 2026. Photo courtesy of the Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil.

Board moves to shift corporate domicile as company evaluates US plant.

Tecnoglass Inc. (NYSE: TGLS), a manufacturer of architectural glass, windows, and aluminum products for the global residential and commercial construction industries, has announced its financial results for the fourth quarter and full year ended December 31, 2025. The company reported record full year revenues of $983.6 million USD, representing a 10.5% increase compared to the previous year. This growth was attributed to market share gains, geographical expansion within the US, and increased demand for vinyl products.

For the full year 2025, the company reported net income of $159.6 million USD, or $3.42 USD per diluted share. On an adjusted basis, net income reached $167.0 million USD, or $3.58 USD per diluted share. Adjusted EBITDA for the year was $291.3 million USD, accounting for 29.6% of total revenues. The company ended the year with a record backlog of $1.3 billion USD, a 16.1% year-over-year increase, reflecting sustained demand for its vertically integrated product offerings.

Dividend Announcement

On March 18, 2026, the Board of Directors of Tecnoglass Inc. (NYSE: TGLS) declared a quarterly cash dividend of $0.15 USD per share for the first quarter of 2026. This distribution, equivalent to an annualized rate of $0.60 USD per share, will be paid on April 30, 2026, to shareholders of record as of the close of business on March 31, 2026.

In a strategic move to align its corporate structure with its primary market, the board of directors has approved a plan to redomicile Tecnoglass from the Cayman Islands to the United States. The redomiciliation is subject to shareholder approval and is intended to broaden the company’s appeal to a wider range of institutional investors. Additionally, management confirmed that a feasibility study is currently underway for a potential US-based production facility to complement its existing 5.8 million square foot manufacturing complex in Barranquilla, Colombia.

“Our geographical expansion, vinyl window offering, and market share gains continue to drive growth in our business.” — Christian Daes, Chief Operating Officer of Tecnoglass Inc.

The company also highlighted its capital allocation strategy, which included the repurchase of $118.0 million USD in shares during 2025. The Board has recently approved a $100 million USD increase to the existing share repurchase program, bringing the total authorization to $250 million USD. As of the end of February 2026, approximately $110 million USD remains available under this program. Tecnoglass maintained a strong balance sheet with net leverage of 0.24x and total liquidity of approximately $465 million USD at year end.

Operational highlights for the fourth quarter included revenues of $245.3 million USD and Adjusted EBITDA of $62.2 million USD. Residential revenue for the full year reached a record $403.4 million USD. The company noted that its acquisition of Continental Glass Systems assets in early 2025 contributed to the growth in multi-family and commercial segments. Detailed financial filings regarding these results have been submitted to the Securities and Exchange Commission and are available via the New York Stock Exchange.

Looking forward to 2026, Tecnoglass introduced full year revenue guidance in the range of $1.06 billion USD to $1.13 billion USD. This outlook assumes continued organic growth and the benefits of recent investments in vinyl production capacity.

Above photo: Tecnoglass at the New York Stock Exchange (photo © Loren Moss)

Collective Mining Ltd. (NYSE: CNL, TSX: CNL) has executed final binding purchase agreements to acquire the remaining surface rights required for future mining operations at its Guayabales Project in the department of Caldas, Colombia. The agreements, made with several arms-length vendors, provide the company with the necessary land access to develop the Apollo System, a polymetallic deposit containing gold, copper, silver, and tungsten.

The total purchase price for the surface rights is $44 million USD, structured in installments over a five-year period. According to the company, the payment schedule begins with $8.7 million USD in 2026, followed by $10 million USD in 2027, $8.5 million USD in 2028, and two final payments of $8.4 million USD in 2029 and 2030, respectively. The agreements include a 6% annual interest rate on certain future payments and are secured by promissory notes and mortgages over the acquired property. If the company receives environmental approval and elects to begin major mine construction before the final installments are paid, the outstanding balance will become due immediately.

“Completing the acquisition of all surface land required for a future mining scenario at our Guayabales Project is a major step towards realizing our vision of developing a major critical mineral mining operation in Colombia.” — Ari Sussman, Executive Chairman of Collective Mining.

The Guayabales Project is situated near the Pan-American Highway and existing hydropower infrastructure. By securing these titles, the company aims to mitigate risks associated with fragmented land ownership in the region. The project area is located within an established mining district that currently hosts 10 operating mines. Collective Mining also holds or has options to acquire the mineral titles corresponding to these surface areas.

“Completing the acquisition of all surface land required for a future mining scenario at our Guayabales Project is a major step towards realizing our vision of developing a major critical mineral mining operation in Colombia,” stated Ari Sussman, executive chairman of Collective Mining. “The future mine will benefit immensely from robust infrastructure as it will be located next to the Pan-American Highway and hydropower lines and have access to readily available skilled labor from our established mining region in Caldas.”

Following the land acquisition, the company intends to begin construction of an exploration socavón, or adit, in the fourth quarter of 2026. This underground access will facilitate geological study and the construction of drill chambers to test the Trap System. Discovered in 2022, the Trap System consists of a 1.4-kilometer mineralized corridor. The use of an exploration adit is expected to assist in geotechnical and hydrological characterization, as well as the collection of metallurgical bulk samples required for future scoping and feasibility studies.

In addition to Guayabales, the company is conducting exploration at the San Antonio Project, located approximately two to five kilometers east-northeast. Collective Mining was founded by the management team previously responsible for Continental Gold Inc., which was acquired by Zijin Mining Group Co., Ltd. (SSE: 601899, HKEX: 2899). Currently, management and strategic investors hold a 45.3% stake in the company.

Above photo: Land surrounding Collective Mining’s Guayabales Project. (Photo © Loren Moss)