Colombia’s rejection rate is now comparable to China’s, which stood at 25.37% for the same period. Within South America, Colombia’s rate was exceeded only by Bolivia, Venezuela, and Ecuador, each reporting denial rates above 35%. In contrast, Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil reported significantly lower refusal rates, ranging from approximately 5% to 15%.

The adjusted refusal rate accounts for multiple applications by the same individual and excludes cases where initial refusals were later overcome through additional documentation or appeals.

From Visa Waiver Talks to Rejection Spike

The current visa rejection rate stands in stark contrast to the diplomatic trajectory under former Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos. In 2014, Santos publicly stated that the United States had initiated a process to eliminate visa requirements for Colombian citizens traveling for tourism and short-term business. The announcement was made during a press conference in New York, where Santos said, “We are working with the US government to remove the visa requirement for Colombians.”

That process has since collapsed. No formal visa waiver agreement was reached, and under subsequent administrations, visa conditions have deteriorated significantly.

The increase in Colombia’s visa rejection rate coincides with a series of diplomatic incidents between Bogotá and Washington. In January 2025, Colombian President Gustavo Petro revoked authorization for US repatriation flights carrying deported Colombian nationals. The reversal came hours after Petro initially welcomed the flights via social media, only to later delete the post and issue a statement denying entry to the aircraft. Petro cited concerns over the treatment of deportees, stating, “The United States cannot treat Colombian migrants as criminals.”

The US government responded by suspending visa services at its embassy in Bogotá, effective January 27, 2025 until Petro backed down, which he did immediately. According to Finance Colombia, the suspension was part of a broader set of retaliatory measures announced by then-President Donald Trump, which included:

• 50% tariffs on Colombian exports.
• Visa revocations for government officials.
• Travel bans targeting Petro administration affiliates.
• Enhanced customs inspections of Colombian cargo and nationals.

The diplomatic rift drew criticism from Colombian regional leaders. Medellín Mayor Federico Gutiérrez and Antioquia Governor Andrés Julián Rendón publicly denounced Petro’s actions, warning of economic repercussions and calling for direct engagement with US counterparts.

In May 2024, the US imposed visa restrictions on executives of Colombian transportation companies accused of facilitating unauthorized migration by sea. The State Department stated that these companies “prey on vulnerable irregular migrants” and operate services “designed primarily to facilitate irregular migration to the United States.”

While the US government has not officially linked the rise in visa denials to these diplomatic and migration-related events, the timing and scale of the increase suggest that political tensions are influencing consular decisions.

Outlook

The elevated rejection rate could impact Colombian tourism, business travel, and bilateral cooperation. With visa services only recently reinstated following Petro’s capitulation to US demands, it remains unclear whether the rate will stabilize or continue to rise amid ongoing political volatility and economic uncertainty.

US Department of State. Photo credit: US Department of State/Facebook.

Gutiérrez’s communication highlights a public event held on June 21, 2025, in Medellín titled “A Pact for the Urban Peace of Medellín,” which was promoted by the Presidency of the Republic of Colombia. During the event, nine individuals identified as leaders of criminal organizations were brought onto a stage and presented as “peace spokespersons.”

The mayor’s letter notes that these individuals have firm convictions for various crimes, including homicide, narcotics trafficking, forced disappearance, and extortion. Among those present were Juan Carlos Mesa Vallejo, alias “Tom,” and Freyner Alfonso Ramírez García, alias “Pesebré,” both of whom are on the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List maintained by the US Department of the Treasury‘s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC).

Mi carta al FBI, DEA, Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos 🇺🇸 y Embajada 🇺🇸 sobre el “Tarimazo” de Petro en Medellín con los peores criminales. Algunos de ellos en el radar de los Estados Unidos por tráfico de drogas. Son 7 páginas. Adjunto 4. pic.twitter.com/K0ToeAFh6r

— Fico Gutiérrez (@FicoGutierrez) September 25, 2025

The letter also states that the release of these individuals from the Itagüí prison was not authorized by a judge. It further alleges that the release was requested by Senator Isabel Cristina Zuleta López of the Pacto Histórico political coalition. Senator Zuleta defended her actions in a statement to W Radio, asserting that it was “inexplicable” not to include the leaders of the criminal structures in a public dialogue about urban peace, as they had been recognized by the president for such talks.

Criminal Structures and Transnational Ties

The letter details the history of criminal organizations in Medellín, from the Medellín Cartel of the 1980s to modern-day groups. It names several prominent organized crime groups (G.D.O.s), including “El Mesa,” “Los Chatas,” “Pachelly,” and “La Terraza,” stating that they continue to operate international narcotics trafficking networks.
Gutiérrez’s letter alleges that these Colombian criminal structures have alliances with international organizations such as the Tren de Aragua, Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación, the Sinaloa Cartel (OTCMKTS: SRBAL), and the Albanian Mafia, among others.

Information Leak at the Attorney General’s Office

In his letter, Gutiérrez also raised concerns about alleged irregularities within the Colombian Attorney General’s Office. He claims that an investigation into Juan Pablo Taborda Samora, alias “Yordi,” and Daniel Muñoz Olaya, the son of criminal leader José Leonardo Muñoz Martínez, alias “Douglas,” was compromised. According to the letter, information regarding an impending arrest operation against Daniel Muñoz was allegedly leaked, preventing his capture. This alleged leak informed “Douglas” of the ongoing investigation against his son, allowing them to evade authorities.

Click on images to enlarge and view originals:

Letter from Mayor Federico Gutierrez to the US Government

The mayor states that there are 7 total pages, but he published only these four above, which appear to be redacted.

Page 1

Seal of the Mayor’s Office of Medellín

Mayor’s Office of Medellín District of Science, Technology, and Innovation

Medellín, July 02, 2025.

Respected

United States Department of State, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), US Embassy Bogotá.

Subject: Submission of relevant information regarding the critical security situation and transnational criminality in Medellín, Colombia.

I, Federico Gutiérrez Zuluaga, in my capacity as Mayor of the Special District of Science, Technology, and Innovation of Medellín, identified with NIT 890.905.211-1, respectfully address you to express profound institutional concern over recent events that, stemming from the national policy of the current Colombian Government, are allegedly favoring, directly and indirectly, criminal structures that have historically affected the security of both our city and that of its international allies, among them, the United States of America.

As is widely known by the international community, Medellín has a complex history linked to organized crime. Indeed, from the 1980s, when the Medellín Cartel dominated the global drug trade, to the present day, the city has been a strategic hub for transnational criminal activities. The criminal structures that mutated from a centralized model to fragmented yet interconnected networks, such as the self-styled “Oficina de Envigado” and the current Organized Crime Groups (hereinafter G.D.O.) and Organized Common Crime Groups (hereinafter G.D.C.O.), maintain a very high criminal capacity with international reach.

Today, the 10 G.D.O.s present in Medellín and the Aburrá Valley—among them “El Mesa,” “Los Chatas,” “Pachelly,” “La Terraza,” “Robledo,” and “La Sierra”—and G.D.C.O.s such as “San Pablo” and “La Oficina del Doce,” continue to operate international narcotics trafficking networks with destinations primarily in North America and Europe. These structures maintain active alliances with cartels such as the “Tren de Aragua”, “CJNG”, “Sinaloa Cartel”, “Albanian Mafia”, “Choneros”, “Lobos”, “Cartel de los Soles”, “Maras Salvatruchas”, “Ndrangheta”, “Camorra”, among others, which demonstrates the internationalization of their criminal activities.

Despite this grave and evident reality, the current National Government of Colombia, led by President Gustavo Petro Urrego, has promoted a policy that, under the discourse of “Total Peace,” has publicly legitimized criminal leaders with serious judicial records, many of whom are apparently still active in drug trafficking, exploitation of minors and adolescents, arms trafficking, human trafficking, and other illegal revenues of transnational interest.

Thus, on this past June 21, 2025, during the public event called “A Pact for the Urban Peace of Medellín,” which was promoted by the Presidency of the Republic of Colombia, nine (09) of the top leaders of these structures¹, among them individuals included on the OFAC (Office of Foreign Assets Control) List such as Juan Carlos Mesa Vallejo (alias “Tom”) and Freyner Alfonso Ramírez García (alias “Pesebré”), were displayed on stage as “peace spokespersons,” despite having firm convictions for atrocious crimes (such as homicide, narcotics trafficking, use of minors for the commission of crimes, forced disappearance, extortionate kidnapping, extortion, and criminal conspiracy, among other crimes of extreme gravity) and even though, apparently, they continue to control their criminal structures from the penitentiary center where they are imprisoned (particularly, in the Itagüí prison – Antioquia). This event was also attended by the Minister of Justice and Law (Eduardo Montealegre Lynett), the Minister of the Interior (Armando Alberto Benedetti Villaneda), the Minister of National Education (José Daniel Rojas Medellín), the Minister of Labor (Antonio Sanguino Páez), the Minister of Mines and Energy (Edwin Palma Egea), the Minister of Cultures, Arts and Knowledge of Colombia (Yannai Kadamani Fonrodona), Senators of the Republic Isabel Cristina Zuleta López and León Fredy Muñoz Lopera, Representatives to the Chamber for Antioquia Alex Xavier Flórez Hernández and Pedro Baracutao García Ospina, the Representative to the Chamber for Valle del Cauca Alfredo Mondragón Garzón, and the former mayor of Medellín, now charged by the Office of the Attorney General of the Nation for alleged acts of corruption, Daniel Quintero Calle, among others.

Now, this public act signified a grave institutional violation. This, since it was an act of re-victimization for the people affected by these criminal groups, who have seen their victimizers legitimized in a political setting, without authorization from a Judge of the Republic to leave their place of imprisonment, even though they all currently have a final conviction (and it is being served). Likewise, the departure from the prison was supported by a request from the Historic Pact senator, Isabel Zuleta Cristina Zuleta López.

The foregoing raises serious questions about the separation of powers, due process, and the principle of equality before the law, given that, under the current legal framework, there is no legal basis for reaching an agreement with criminal structures, which does not amount to a submission to justice.

Furthermore, the foregoing occurred in a complex context, not only local but also national. This is because there have apparently been undue leaks of sensitive information and possible undue pressure in high-impact processes, namely:

In events surrounding recent procedural actions carried out by the Attorney General’s Office in the country against members of the G.D.O. “La Terraza,” among them Mr. Juan Pablo Taborda Samora, known in criminal jargon as “Yordi” (the top leader and boss of hitmen for said organization), and against Daniel Muñoz Olaya, son of José Leonardo Muñoz Martínez (alias “Douglas”), arrest warrants were issued against them for different crimes which they apparently took part in to integrate said criminal organization, who, according to the Prosecutor’s Office, are involved in money laundering and illicit enrichment. However, despite details of this operation having been filtered by irregular third parties, which could have jeopardized the success of all the captures (apparently alerting the targets before the proceedings began), and compromising the security of the Judicial Police investigators and the designated prosecutor’s office itself.

Indeed, as was evidenced in an extraordinary security meeting held in the District of Medellín this past June 17, 2025 (which included the participation of the Unit Against Organized Crime of the Attorney General’s Office, the National Police, the National Army of Colombia, the Colombian Air Force, and representatives of state intelligence agencies) and in a meeting on June 19, 2025 aimed at conducting a presentation of the balance of operational results by the National Police, it was established that there was a leak of information hours before the operation, since alias “Douglas” had been informed of a respective investigative process against his son and that his capture would be imminent.

As a result of this situation, not only would the capture of Daniel Muñoz Olaya have been prevented (by evading the action of the public force at the time of the execution of the search with (Additional text appears to be missing beyond this point. The mayor states that there are 7 total pages, but he is making public these four, redacted. -Ed.)

FOOTNOTES:

1: In effect, these are José Leonardo Muñoz Martínez (alias Douglas), Juan Carlos Mesa Vallejo (alias Tom), Jorge de Jesús Vallejo Alarcón (alias Vallejo), Juan Camilo Rendón Castro (alias el Saya), Albert Henao Acevedo (alias Albert), Juan Fernando Álvarez (alias Juan XXIII), Walter Román Jiménez (alias el Tigre), Freyner Ramírez García (alias Pesebré), and Dayron Alberto Muñoz Torres (alias El Indio).
Footnote 2 appears to be redacted.

3: Copy of the official letter of transfer for the competence of relevant information filed on June 25, 2025, before the Attorney General’s Office by the Secretary of Security of the District of Science, Technology, and Innovation of Medellín.

4: Copy of the official letter of transfer of relevant information for the pertinent purposes and request for urgent and necessary protection measures filed on June 25, 2025, before the Attorney General’s Office.

5: Copy of a news article published on June 26, 2025, by Revista Semana.

6: World Drug Report 2025 by UNODC: Global instability aggravates the social, economic, and security impact of the global drug phenomenon, published on June 26, 2025, by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

7: Copy of the publication made on July 1, 2025, on the social network “X” by Caracol Radio.

Sincerely,

[Signature]

Federico Andrés Gutiérrez Zuluaga, Mayor of Medellín.

While his country grapples with escalating violence and economic uncertainty, President Petro chose to immerse himself in foreign conflicts, taking his activism to a protest in Times Square against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. There, alongside Pink Floyd co-founder Roger Waters, Petro grabbed a megaphone and delivered a fiery speech. The critical moment came when he directly called upon members of the United States Armed Forces to “disobey the orders of Donald Trump and obey the order of humanity,” a move that Washington interpreted as a direct incitement to mutiny—a felony under US law.

The State Department’s response was swift and unambiguous. In a statement posted on X (formerly Twitter), the agency declared, “Earlier today, Colombian President Gustavo Petro stood on a New York street and exhorted US soldiers to disobey orders and incite violence. We will revoke Petro’s visa due to his reckless and incendiary actions.” The statement underscored a fundamental principle of international alliances: “No responsible ally encourages members of the US Armed Forces to disobey the constitution or break military discipline.”

This diplomatic fallout is not merely a reaction to a single speech but the culmination of escalating tensions. The relationship between the Petro administration and Washington has been strained by disagreements over anti-drug policy, the ongoing crisis in Venezuela, and now, Petro’s vociferous stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The US recently “decertified” Colombia as a partner in counter-narcotics efforts, a symbolic but significant rebuke of Petro’s strategies, which have coincided with a surge in illicit coca cultivation.

President Petro has consistently framed US policy as “hypocritical” and “imperial,” using platforms like the UN General Assembly to lambast the United States for what he calls a “failed” war on drugs. His rhetoric has grown increasingly confrontational, accusing Washington of “pushing the world toward new wars.”

Domestic Backlash and Political Condemnation

The repercussions of Petro’s actions in New York have been felt acutely within Colombia, drawing sharp criticism from across the political spectrum. Opponents argue that the president has recklessly endangered a critical strategic partnership for the sake of ideological posturing on a global stage.

Federico “Fico” Gutiérrez, the two-time mayor of Medellín, laid the blame squarely on the president. In a post on X, Gutiérrez stated, “Petro has done everything to destroy Colombia’s relationship with the United States. It has been a premeditated strategy of provocation. I evidenced it in our agenda in Washington. Now don’t play the victim. The horrible night will soon cease. Petro is not Colombia. The United States is clear about that. Colombia needs a President who governs with his five senses and in his five senses. Colombia will get ahead.”

Similarly, former governor of Antioquia Sergio Fajardo called for Petro’s resignation, expressing his dismay on social media. “You finally did it, President Petro! You no longer have a visa for the United States. Now resign from the presidency and dedicate yourself to leading the third world war against Trump and his friends,” Fajardo wrote. He added, “He was not capable of thinking about his responsibility to Colombia or of protecting our country’s interests. He stopped governing a long time ago and will now go out to do politics as the victim he has always wanted to be. What an embarrassment, Mr. President!”

In response, Petro dismissed Fajardo’s criticism, retorting that “being president of Colombia does not depend on the US, it depends on the people. Understand that the people are sovereign.”

A Symbolic Strike with Historical Echoes

The revocation of a sitting president’s visa is a severe diplomatic rebuke. While it does not prevent President Petro from attending multilateral forums like the UN, it is a potent symbol of disapproval. The last time the US took such a drastic measure against a Colombian leader was in 1996, when President Ernesto Samper’s visa was revoked by the Clinton administration over substantial evidence that his presidential campaign had received funding from the Cali drug cartel.

Upon his return to Bogotá, Petro confirmed he had been notified of the visa cancellation, framing the US government’s decision as a violation of international law and the diplomatic immunity afforded to heads of state attending UN functions. “Separating the US from Colombia is what the mafias need,” he wrote on X, warning, “The headquarters of the United Nations cannot continue in New York.”

The protest in New York, which drew approximately 2,000 people, was organized by a coalition of groups including the Palestinian Youth Movement, Jewish Voice for Peace, and the Party for Socialism and Liberation. The Colombian delegation accompanying the president was also present, and they notably walked out of the UN General Assembly during Prime Minister Netanyahu’s address.

As President Petro pivots to domestic rallies, the long-term consequences of his diplomatic gamble remain to be seen. What is clear is that his actions have pushed the vital US-Colombia relationship into its most precarious state in a generation, prioritizing a crusade on foreign disputes over the stability of a cornerstone alliance.

President Gustavo Petro in New York, joining a rally for Palestine. Photo credit: Colombian Presidency.

In a brief, but clear statement, the State Department alleged that “these companies prey on vulnerable irregular migrants by operating services designed primarily to facilitate irregular migration to the United States.”

The State Department noted that these actions fall under a February policy that “targets senior officials of companies providing transportation by land, sea, or charter air designed for use primarily by persons intending to migrate irregularly to the United States.”

It added that “several companies providing maritime transportation are knowingly facilitating the irregular movement of migrants and exposing migrants to exploitation and violence” and that issuing visa restrictions “send a signal that no one should profit from vulnerable migrants—not smugglers, private companies, nor public officials.”

“We will continue to take steps to impose visa restrictions against unscrupulous transportation company owners, executives, and senior officials as part of our broader campaign to eliminate such exploitative practices within and beyond the Western Hemisphere, in collaboration with partners in government and in the private sector.”

Photo: The United States Department of Justice headquarters in Washington. (Photo credit: Coolcaesar)

U.S. Citizens can make an appointment here:https://evisaforms.state.gov/acs/default.asp?postcode=BGT&appcode=1 

If you have scheduled a CRBA appointment at a later date, kindly cancel the later appointment to make it available to other applicants.  

The Embassy encourages applicants to apply for a CRBA and passport at the same time because a Consular Report of Birth Abroad is not a travel document. 

For information on eligibility and application requirements please visit: https://co.usembassy.gov/birth/ 

This message has been reprinted in its entirety as issued by the US Embassy in Bogotá.

 Assistance:   

U.S. Embassy Bogota, Colombia   
Tel. +57-1-275-2000 or 601-275-2000   
acsbogota@state.gov   
https://co.usembassy.gov/  

U.S. Consular Agency, Barranquilla   
conagencybarranquilla@state.gov   

U.S. Department of State – Consular Affairs   
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The meeting was part of ongoing negotiations regarding judicial cooperation in criminal matters, to expedite procedures between Colombia and the US on extradition and legal assistance, share good practices and experiences, form working groups, and better collaborate against transnational crime.

This is the fourth in a series of annual meetings, the first two held in Bogotá, and last year’s in Washington, DC.

Attendees included:

• Prosecutor General of Colombia Fabio Espitia Garzón
• Minister of Justice Margarita Cabello Blanco
• Representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• Representatives of the US Department of Justice
• Representatives of the US Department of State
• Representatives of the US Legal Attaché Office (FBI)
• Representatives from Colombia’s Attorney General (Fiscalia)
• Vice Minister of Justice and Law Juan Francisco Espinosa Palacios
• Colombia’s Director of International Affairs
• Colombia’s Delegate against Organized Crime
• Colombia’s Delegate for Criminal Finance
• Colombia’s Special Director of Asset Forfeiture (Extinction del Derecho de Dominio)
• Advisers from the Directorate of International Affairs
• Advisors from the Directorate of Migration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• Advisors from Colombia’s Consular Affairs section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
• Advisors from Colombia’s Citizens Services section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Casa del Marqués de Valdehoyos Photo credit: Cancillería de Colombia