A magnitude 7.4 earthquake struck western Colombia at 7:34 a.m. local time on August 10, with an epicenter about 3 miles (5 kilometers) east of San José del Palmar in the department of Chocó, roughly 150 miles (241 kilometers) from Bogotá, according to the US Geological Survey and Colombia’s Servicio Geológico Colombiano (Colombian Geological Survey). The quake originated at a depth of more than 100 kilometers, classifying it as a deep intraslab event tied to the Nazca Plate’s subduction beneath the South American Plate. Tremors were felt as far away as Panama, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Peru.

As of August 12, Colombian authorities had confirmed more than 188 deaths, over 1,600 injuries, 222 people missing, and 260 people still trapped in debris, according to the Unidad Nacional de Gestión del Riesgo de Desastres (National Disaster Risk Management Unit, UNGRD) and figures reported by El Tiempo; earlier tallies from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) put damaged homes at close to 5,000, with 61 buildings collapsed and more than 550 schools and 24 health facilities affected across roughly 16 departments. Chocó, Valle del Cauca, Caldas, Risaralda, and Quindío sustained the heaviest damage. President Abelardo De La Espriella declared a national disaster, invoked an economic emergency, and decreed three days of national mourning.

Colombia’s Foreign Ministry, the Cancillería, installed an international cooperation command post led by Foreign Minister Omar Bula to field and coordinate offers of assistance from foreign governments and multilateral organizations. Vice President José Manuel Restrepo said more than 12 countries had formally pledged humanitarian aid or rescue personnel, and that multilateral institutions alone had presented cooperation proposals totaling $1.3 billion USD in assistance of various kinds. “We have already received proposals worth $1.3 billion USD in cooperation of various kinds from multilateral organizations in the midst of this tragedy,” Restrepo said.

“We have already received proposals worth $1.3 billion USD in cooperation of various kinds from multilateral organizations in the midst of this tragedy.” — José Manuel Restrepo, Vice President of Colombia

United States

The US Department of State said it mobilized an initial $15.5 million USD in emergency shelter, food, and protection assistance, along with post-earthquake structural assessments, according to an August 11 media note from the department’s Office of the Spokesperson. The funding is being channeled through five partner organizations: Catholic Relief Services (CRS), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Miyamoto International, the UN World Food Programme, and World Vision. Of the total, $3 million USD routed through CRS draws on funding already committed under a separate, previously announced global assistance award to that organization, meaning it does not represent new incremental spending beyond what State had already budgeted for CRS programming.

The department also activated a Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART), a standing mechanism of humanitarian specialists drawn from across the State Department, with members arriving in Colombia the day of the earthquake to coordinate needs assessments and the broader US government response alongside embassy personnel in Bogotá.

Separately from the new $15.5 million USD package, the State Department noted that as part of its existing $3.8 billion USD contribution to OCHA, the United States had previously provided $200 million USD to the Colombia Pooled Fund, a standing mechanism OCHA can draw on for earthquake-related needs as well as humanitarian programming in Colombia that predates the earthquake. That $200 million USD figure reflects prior funding availability rather than a new pledge tied specifically to the August 10 disaster.

On consular matters, the US Embassy in Bogotá remained open and continued providing emergency and routine passport, notarial, and consular services; its consular agency in Barranquilla also remained open. The embassy advised American citizens in Colombia to enroll in the Smart Traveler Enrollment Program (STEP) at step.state.gov and to follow [@USEmbassyBogota](profile/USEmbassyBogota) and [@TravelGov](profile/TravelGov) on social media for security updates. US citizens seeking assistance can reach the Bureau of Consular Affairs at 888-407-4747 from within the United States, or +1-202-501-4444 from other locations.

Multilateral development banks

The World Bank disposed $200,000 USD in a non-reimbursable grant, without an associated credit line, to fund post-earthquake damage assessments. Susana Cordeiro Guerra, the World Bank’s vice president for Latin America and the Caribbean, offered technical expertise drawn from the institution’s experience responding to disasters elsewhere, in addition to the grant.

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) approved $500,000 USD in non-reimbursable technical cooperation funding, of which $350,000 USD was made immediately available to the Colombian Red Cross and $150,000 USD earmarked for technical support, Restrepo said. Separately, IDB Group President Ilan Goldfajn said the institution has up to $300 million USD in contingent emergency financing available to Colombia should the government request it; wire reports including CNBC and CBC cited a related figure of $50 million USD as immediately available for reconstruction support, reflecting different tranches or reporting of the same contingent facility.

CAF, the Banco de Desarrollo de América Latina y el Caribe (Development Bank of Latin America and the Caribbean), pledged $500,000 USD in humanitarian donations to be channeled through its Social and Human Development Funds, CAF executive president Sergio Díaz-Granados said.

European Union

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced €2.1 million EUR in humanitarian funding for health, water, sanitation and hygiene, shelter, food, protection, and cash assistance in the hardest-hit areas, according to the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations department (ECHO). The European Union activated its Civil Protection Mechanism, which pools resources among the bloc’s 27 member states, and deployed its Copernicus satellite mapping service to support damage assessment. A further €100,000 EUR was reallocated from an existing EU-funded project implemented by the German Red Cross to meet immediate needs of roughly 2,500 families in Chocó and Valle del Cauca.

Switzerland

The Swiss government approved 1 million CHF (about $1.23 million USD) in aid, with half directed to the UN World Food Programme and local nongovernmental organizations for emergency assistance and the remainder allocated to restoring living conditions in destroyed areas, according to the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation. Swiss President Guy Parmelin offered solidarity with Colombia the day of the earthquake.

Spain

Spain’s Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (Spanish Agency for International Cooperation for Development, AECID) mobilized an initial €1 million EUR package covering shelter materials, water and sanitation kits, medication, and support for deployed health personnel, Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares said. Spain’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs reported no confirmed Spanish fatalities as of August 12, though it had not yet located 75 Spanish nationals believed to have been in the affected region.

El Salvador

El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, dispatched two aircraft carrying 100 tons of humanitarian aid along with medical and rescue teams, according to the Presidencia de la República de El Salvador (Presidency of the Republic of El Salvador).

Ecuador

Ecuador’s Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Human Mobility) sent 47 rescuers with canine units and equipment provisioned for seven days of operations.

Mexico

Mexico deployed 255 specialized military search-and-rescue personnel, including canine handlers and medical staff, along with 4 tons of medications, 8.4 tons of food, satellite phones, radios, generators, and tents, according to Mexico’s Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores (Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

Peru

Peru sent a plane carrying 12.5 tons of supplies and 62 rescuers through its Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores (Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

Chile

Chilean President José Antonio Kast offered his government’s civil and technical resources through Chile’s Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores (Ministry of Foreign Affairs), without publicly specifying the scope.

Venezuela

Venezuela’s government, through Vice President and Foreign Minister Delcy Rodríguez and the Ministerio del Poder Popular para Relaciones Exteriores (Ministry of People’s Power for Foreign Affairs), said it would send rescue brigades, an announcement that drew domestic criticism within Colombia given the state of bilateral relations.

Brazil

Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva pledged solidarity and said logistical and technical teams were on standby through Brazil’s Ministério das Relações Exteriores (Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

Argentina

Argentina’s Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio Internacional y Culto (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship) offered material assistance, civil protection assets, and logistics support.

Additional Latin American and Caribbean support

Several other countries in the region conveyed solidarity or more limited offers of support:

• Panama — President José Raúl Mulino offered collaboration “within our capacity” through the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Panamá (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Panama).
• Costa Rica — The government conveyed solidarity through its Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto (Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship).
• Dominican Republic — President Luis Abinader said his country stood ready to provide assistance, coordinated through the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de República Dominicana (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic).
• Guatemala — The disaster-response agency, the Coordinadora Nacional para la Reducción de Desastres (National Coordinator for Disaster Reduction, Conred), remained in contact with Colombian counterparts to determine whether a formal request for assistance would follow, President Bernardo Arévalo de León’s government said.
• Cuba — Expressed willingness to help without publicly detailing specific commitments.
• Bolivia — Expressed willingness to help without publicly detailing specific commitments.

Other countries

Vice President Restrepo named Japan, Sweden, and Turkey among the more than 12 governments that formally offered humanitarian aid or rescue support, though itemized figures for their pledges were not publicly available as of this writing. Israel, France, Germany, Italy, and Ukraine also expressed readiness to coordinate assistance, according to Colombian media reporting, without confirmed dollar figures attached to those offers.

Red Cross and Red Crescent movement

The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) launched an emergency appeal for 11.7 million CHF to support the Colombian Red Cross, which activated its National Crisis Room and deployed a 30-member urban search-and-rescue team from its Antioquia branch to Chocó, alongside volunteers from its Quindío and Caldas branches. The Colombian Red Cross also activated its Restoring Family Links service to help reunite people separated from missing relatives.

Private sector

Among corporate contributions, Spanish bank BBVA (BME: BBVA) (NYSE: BBVA) said it would provide 3,500 food and hygiene kits, including nonperishable staples and personal care items, distributed through Colombia’s regional food bank network.

How to contribute

Colombian donors and members of the international community seeking a vetted local channel for contributions can direct support through somosone.com.co, the Colombian strategic-philanthropy platform operated by ONE Inversión Social. The organization has partnered with Sankofa Danzafro, La Pascasia, and Presentes Corporación on a Chocó-focused relief campaign, with a donation page linked from the platform’s homepage.

Sweden has formalized a new development cooperation strategy with Colombia covering 2026 through 2031 and maintains the Andean nation among its priority international partners as Stockholm reduces the number of countries receiving dedicated Swedish aid strategies. This comes after the Colombian government agreed to purchase a fleet of Saab Gripen fighter jets.

The strategy, which enters into force on July 1, 2026, and runs until the end of 2031, is expected to mobilize approximately SEK 150 million ($16 million) annually for initiatives focused on employment, democratic strengthening, human rights, and peacebuilding. The final allocation will be determined through Sweden’s annual budget process.

The decision comes as Sweden has narrowed its international cooperation framework, reducing the number of dedicated aid strategies from nearly 70 to 32 countries. A significant portion of Sweden’s aid resources has been redirected toward Ukraine, while several previous partner countries have lost dedicated support.

Colombia’s continued inclusion reflects the importance Stockholm places on the bilateral relationship, particularly around peacebuilding, sustainable development, trade, and democratic institutions.

“Aid will now be based on what we know works.” – Benjamin Dousa, Sweden’s Minister for International Development Cooperation and Foreign Trade

The new Colombian strategy is built around three main priorities: expanding livelihood opportunities through inclusive institutions, employment, trade, and digitalization; strengthening democracy, human rights, and the rule of law; and supporting the consolidation of negotiated peace through stronger institutions for peace and security.

Additional areas of cooperation include fossil-free energy, biogas and biomass, mining, agroindustry, climate-smart technologies, and waste management.

The announcement followed Colombian Foreign Minister Rosa Yolanda Villavicencio’s visit to Stockholm on February 9 for the Second High-Level Dialogue between Colombia and Sweden. During the visit, Villavicencio held a bilateral meeting with Sweden’s Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergard, with discussions focused on peace, security, sustainability, energy transition, trade, education, and economic development.

The Colombian Embassy in Sweden and Iceland stated that the dialogue contributed to maintaining and expanding Sweden’s cooperation strategy with Colombia.

Beyond the bilateral strategy, Colombia will also benefit from Sweden’s new Regional Strategy for Latin America and the Caribbean, which will provide an additional SEK 75 million ($8 million) annually to support trade, democratic development, and the green transition across the region.

The strategy will be implemented through Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, Sweden’s development cooperation agency, with the full cooperation framework published by the Swedish government.

Colombia is among a limited group of countries, including Guatemala, Cuba, Bangladesh, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, and Sudan — receiving dedicated Swedish cooperation strategies through 2031.

The renewed framework builds on a broader strengthening of bilateral ties. In 2024, Sweden and Colombia signed a partnership agreement elevating their relationship to a strategic partnership, alongside memorandums of understanding covering sustainability, energy transition, innovation and technology, education, transport, and space cooperation.

Headline photo: A Saab Gripen E at Colombia’s 2023 F-AIR airshow (photo © Loren Moss)

What many people may be unaware of though, is that the countries have a 150 year bilateral diplomatic history together. The countries’ ties go far beyond merely commercial ventures. A 19th century Swede even was appointed governor by the fledgeling government after Colombia gained independence from Spain. Sweden has several cultural, peace-building, civil society, and humanitarian initiatives both in Colombia and throughout the Andean region.

Ambassador Helena Storm made time in her busy schedule to speak with Loren Moss, the executive editor of Finance Colombia, where they discussed the bilateral relationship, Storm’s impressions of the country over her time here, and the potential for deepening ties between the two countries.

Finance Colombia: I’m here with Helena Storm, Her Excellency, the Ambassador of Sweden in Colombia. First, I want to thank you very much for making time for us. I know that the life of an Ambassador or any diplomat is very busy. And so it’s an honor to speak to you here briefly. So first of all, thank you.

Helena Storm: Well, thank you very much for inviting me, Loren.

Finance Colombia: I want to talk about Colombia and Sweden having a 150-year-old bilateral relationship. It’s not often the noisiest relationship. You know, like a lot of countries in the news and things like that, for sometimes good reasons, sometimes bad reasons. But of course, Sweden has a strong global reputation for quiet diplomacy and things like that. But tell me, what are the ties that bind Sweden and Colombia? And are there notable examples of collaboration or cooperation going back over the years?

Helena Storm: Yes. Well, as you pointed out, Sweden and Colombia have very good bilateral relations. And last year, we celebrated 150 years of bilateral relations. I mean, that’s 150 years of formal bilateral relations, formal diplomatic relations. Before that, we had relations with Colombia. People-to-people relations and even contacts between the two governments go beyond. Already from the liberation of the country, Sweden was here, and we were present. We had a count, a Swedish count fighting with Simon Bolivar to liberate the country. He was then appointed the first governor of Mompox by Simón Bolívar.

At this time, we had several important Swedish families migrating to Colombia, one of them very well-known, and they’ve been active in many areas of Colombian society. It’s the Familia De Greiff. So we have this tradition of people-to-people relations. And since I would say maybe three, four decades now, we have been very engaged in this Colombian peace process.

In all the formal attempts that have been executed, negotiating between different groups and the Colombian government, Sweden has been present, supporting these talks in different ways. So, a durable peace in Colombia has been part of the main kind of activities that we’ve had over the last decades in Colombia.

Yes, so it’s a strong relation. And we also celebrated the 150th anniversary with the visit of President Gustavo Petro to Stockholm, where we signed a joint declaration of bilateral partnership between Sweden and Colombia. And I would say this partnership kind of sets a new scene for our relations.

Finance Colombia: Absolutely. If I’m not mistaken, there is even a street in Medellín named after De Greiff. I never made the connection until just now, so every day you learn something, as they say. And speaking of President Gustavo Petro’s visit to Stockholm, I want to congratulate you guys. I’m from the US, and Lockheed Martin was there. But that’s an impressive accomplishment. You guys beat out lots of different competitors, all of them worthy. Of course, all of us are partners with Sweden and with the EU. And we’re all allies.

 But first, congratulations to Sweden and Saab on winning the deal to replace Colombia’s fighters, which are from the early 70s, the tactical fighter fleet. And so, how long have you guys been working on that deal? And how big is that deal? People don’t realize outside of aviation that there’s the price of purchasing the hardware, the aircraft, but there are long-term service contracts that go on for decades after; it is a whole program. So maybe if you could elaborate on that, and obviously, that’s a commercial deal, but the way that these things work, it’s a hand-in-hand thing with the government, and everyone is working together. So I’m sure that occupied a lot of your time in the past few years.

Helena Storm: Well, thank you for that comment. And obviously, we are very happy and proud of the fact that Colombia chose the Swedish company Saab to replace their fighter fleet. And these kinds of decisions are long-term; they take a long time to make. So I think we have been discussing this with the Colombian government, and Saab has been offering a solution from their company since Santos’ time in government. I think that’s when they started to look at the replacement of this fleet. And this is normal. This is how long these kinds of acquisitions take. And, as you say, we have a great respect for our competitors, the other countries and companies that were also putting in offers. We are very proud that they chose Saab.

And as you pointed out, this is a long-term relationship for us. We are not looking for clients, we are looking for associates, allies, and friends. And with this kind of agreement, we have the opportunity to reinforce all three of these aspects with Colombia. And so right now we are in the process of identifying the details of this agreement.

Finance Colombia: That’s good to hear. And so also, I understand that part of the package… And Sweden has always been, as have your other Nordic neighbors, really involved in social efforts across the globe and have been leaders in that. And I understand that part of this package, you know… fighters are necessary in the real world. But there’s also, you know, we always have that perennial conflict of guns or butter, as they say. But I understand that part of this package includes a significant investment and efforts by Sweden in Colombia’s Atlantic region, which is a region that suffered a lot of neglect and a lack of investment, and things like that. And I don’t remember the details. Maybe you can fill us in. What’s that social part of the commitment that you guys have agreed to?

“Colombia is such a rich country in culture, history, and nature. I mean, it’s just amazing.” – Helena Storm

Helena Storm: Well, as you said, these kinds of acquisitions are accompanied by an offset program. And the offset program is an agreement to transfer technology and transfer knowledge, so we can multiply, actually, the investments in Colombia. And it’s up to the Colombian government and the Colombian society to identify in which areas, in which sectors, they would like the investments when it comes to technology, and the transfer of knowledge and technology.

And as I said, we are in the process of identifying this part of the offset program, it’s as you call it, direct and partly indirect. And the indirect part, that’s what you are referring to, I guess, when it comes to the social investments. And this is right now being identified and discussed between the Colombian Ministry of Defense and the company Saab.

Finance Colombia: Great. Besides aviation, besides, obviously, Saab, besides the Gripens, what are the primary bilateral trade links between Colombia and Sweden? Has there already been a significant amount of ongoing import and export between the two countries in terms of what Sweden buys from Colombia, and then what products does Sweden export to Colombia? Maybe if you can speak to the trade that has already existed.

Helena Storm: Yes, of course. Well, we have had trade between our nations for over a century. And today, the exports from Colombia to Sweden mainly consist of fruits, flowers, and coffee. And the exports from Sweden to Colombia mainly consist of different pharma products, technology in general, and vehicles and auto parts. And we are trying to increase now, together with the Colombian side, the export possibilities from Colombia to Sweden. We just had a delegation of 20 Colombian companies to look at export possibilities in Sweden.

I went with them and we visited various actors in Sweden in the first week of June. And this was an initiative by my colleague, the Colombian ambassador in Stockholm. We are working very much hand in hand to increase the Colombian exports to Sweden. The numbers are not showing the reality, because when it comes to the trade, much of the trade goes via another European before it comes to Sweden, or before it exits Sweden, which in the statistics does not show Swedish imports from Colombia, or Swedish exports to Colombia. So, the numbers, that’s why I don’t go into numbers, but there has been a significant interest from Swedish companies to increase their presence in Colombia. We have, give and take, 100 Swedish brands and companies in Colombia.

They generate more than 25,000 direct jobs. We’ve also had big investments since I came here. One investment was the company Essity acquiring El Grupo Familia. We have had the inauguration of three IKEA stores in Colombia.

Finance Colombia: Thank you. Thank you, by the way! Thank you. A big fan, of course.

Helena Storm: Yes, thank you very much. No, but it’s an important commitment. We also have the company Zelestra, which is owned by a Swedish investment fund that has invested $300 million USD in two solar parks. And they are now discussing another investment in La Guajira. They have investment plans for several hundred million dollars more until 2027. That’s in the renewable energy sector. We also have other Swedish companies here, a big multinational that every year invests in Colombia to strengthen their position here and strengthen innovation policies that they have here.

I was recently in Rionegro to inaugurate a redistribution center, the second biggest in the world, which the company Essity has just built and inaugurated in Rionegro. That’s also a big investment of at least 35 million dollars. We also invest in the waste-to-energy sector, where we are also taking part from the government side, where we, for example, have financed feasibility studies to increase the possibility of investing in this sector for Swedish companies.

Finance Colombia: That’s impressive. I know about your Rionegro facility. It’s just a few minutes away from where I live here in Rionegro. Yeah, you know, lovely area. I can tell you, it’s kind of funny. So many times before, when I would travel to Miami, just back to the US, whether it’s on business or whatever, and stopping at the big IKEA there near the airport, and carefully weighing my luggage and being sad because things were too heavy to bring back. I remember just writing the article several years ago when we first heard that IKEA was going to open its first store in Bogotá, and now in Envigado. And just aside from being a journalist, just personally excited. And so really very happy for you all.

 You know, I know that is a company of national pride, but then even for us as consumers, so happy about that. Renewable energy is a big area, as well as the strategic investments that you’ve made in companies like the paper companies, like Familia, which makes consumer packaged goods and things like that.

Beyond commerce, are there bilateral cultural or social initiatives to strengthen the people-to-people ties between the two countries? I know sometimes I’ll talk to people and, you know, it’s a little bit different in English compared to Spanish, but I found people get tripped up pronouncing in Spanish, of course, Sweden, with Switzerland, and things like that. It’s like, no, you know, it’s a quiet country because they don’t make bad news. You know, it’s one of those countries that are, and I know you guys are proud of this, quietly doing good things and have a great reputation.

 But tell me about some of the people-to-people ties that you have and the bilateral initiatives that you guys have on an ongoing basis with Colombia.

Helena Storm: Well, thank you. We have in our embassy here in Bogotá two strategies for development cooperation, one bilateral for Colombia and one regional for the whole Latin American region. We manage both of these strategies from the embassy in Colombia. By the way, the Swiss embassy in Colombia is the second biggest in the region after Washington. So it kind of shows how we prioritize Colombia in our bilateral relations. And these two development cooperation strategies have priorities. For the Colombia strategy, our priorities are climate change and environment, peace building, and the third priority is democracy, human rights, and gender equality. And these are kind of the three main focuses for our work when it comes to development cooperation.

And we have several initiatives that also foster these people-to-people relations, and are also working very much hand-in-hand with the private sector to kind of use the Swedish development cooperation as an engine for economic growth. We have several programs for that. I won’t go into detail here, but I could if you want to.

We also work with education, vocational training for youth, and women, within these programs. And regionally, one program that I want to highlight is our mining program, which promotes sustainable mining in the region. And the Colombian chapter of that program was inaugurated or launched a couple of months ago, in May.

So it’s a recent addition to our efforts when it comes to sustainable mining. And in all our programs, we try to always have a gender equality perspective, because Sweden is a country where we highlight the importance of gender equality in all sectors in everything that we do. So gender equality is one of these priorities that we’ve been working on for the last five years that I’ve been here, and also before. But we’ve had numerous activities with exhibitions in the parliament, the Colombian Congress. We will inaugurate one very soon with the mayor’s office in Bogota, where we also highlight the men’s role when it comes to gender equality.

Another area where we have strengthened our bilateral relations recently is the cultural area. Sweden has, since I came, been twice a partner country for FILBo 2021 and 2022. We were also the invited country for the EuroCine Festival 2024. We’ve financed several documentaries that show the civil society’s engagement in peacebuilding and the role in the conflict, in the Colombian conflict. We’ve done that with various of our partners. ICTJ, which is the International Center for Transitional Justice, has been one of the partners, and UN Women another.

We have also strengthened our cooperation through the Philharmonic Orchestra of Bogotá, where we have a Swedish head director, musical director. And this orchestra went to Sweden during my five years here. I think it was 2023 or 2022. They traveled the whole orchestra to Sweden to showcase the quality of a Latin American Philharmonic Orchestra. And that was a very successful visit. So we are now planning a new visit to the Nordics for this orchestra in 2026. Unfortunately, after I’ve left, but yeah, maybe it will take place in the Autumn of 2025.

But anyway, these are very important areas of people-to-people relations that we’ve been working on. We’ve also brought Swedish artists here, singers, groups. One example that I want to highlight is Jon Henrik Fjällgren, who came and performed during COP16. And he is part of the Swedish native population, the Sami. But he was adopted from Colombia from an indigenous community in Colombia. So he has a double indigenous identity. He was born as an indigenous baby here in Colombia and then adopted by a Sami family in Sweden. And he has been reconnecting with his Colombian roots. And he is a very famous artist in Sweden, and he won our version of Sweden’s Got Talent. So it’s also been very emotional, I would say, the two visits that he made to Colombia during my five years. And to see how he had been fostering also a rapprochement between our indigenous groups, and how we can engage in further dialogue with them and foster further respect for their traditions and cultures.

Finance Colombia: You bring up an interesting point. A lot of times, I know growing up in the US, and I’m from the Midwest, where we do have a significant Nordic population. But it’s easy to forget how integral it is to society. I don’t even know why, but for some reason, we tend to remember the neighbors in Finland, that they have a significant indigenous population. But of course, Sweden does as well. I don’t know why we unfortunately tend to forget that. But that sounds like an amazing, not just collaboration, but just a story, just life history. And that brings me to ask, like you mentioned, your posting is mature here, and I’m sure that you’ll move on soon.

 But during your time as ambassador, what accomplishments and activities are you most proud of? Not when you look at your resume or when you talk to the foreign minister, but when you talk to friends and family, what are you most proud of about the things that you were able to touch during your time here in Colombia?

Helena Storm: Oh, that’s a very difficult question. But I’m very proud of the footprint that Sweden has left in Colombia. I’m very proud of the association many or the majority of the Colombians have when I travel in the territories, because as an ambassador, I’ve prioritized traveling in Colombia, and to visit the territories, not only working from Bogotá. Colombia is not Bogotá. Colombia is an extremely diverse country. And most of the people that I meet in the territories associate Sweden with support for peacebuilding, conflict resolution, human rights, and gender equality. And I think we have been able during these five years to increase that footprint in Colombia. And I think that’s what I’m most proud of.

And also, obviously, the 150 years of bilateral relations were a unique moment to show that we were the first country to support the first verification mission that came to Colombia to support the peace process in 2004, I think it was, with the establishment of MAPP/OEA, the Organization of American States Verification Mission in Colombia. Sweden was the first country to support financially and politically that they came to Colombia. We created MOE with the actual director of MOE now. MOE is the observation of the electoral organization in Colombia. I would say it’s an organization; it’s an NGO in that sense. It’s not a governmental organization, but it is the organization with the most respect from all parties when it comes to reliability in election monitoring.

We also have supported the territorialization or the expansion of La Defensoría, which is kind of the Ombudsman office in Colombia that was introduced in the 1991 Constitution. Ombudsman is a Swedish word. So the whole idea of the Ombudsman’s office is a Swedish invention, so to speak. And I think the Defensoría is maybe the Colombian institution, the government institution with the most presence in the territories all over Colombia. And as we know, much of the conflict that still occurs here in Colombia occurs due to the lack of official representation, the presence of official institutions around the territory. So that’s another example of how we’ve been working very long term to try to contribute to peacebuilding.

Finance Colombia: I understand. And you’ve been very generous with your time. I’m grateful. Last question for you. What will you miss most about your time? You may come back to visit, but I mean, your time here living in Colombia, what will you miss most about it? And maybe, not so much politically, but you know, really speaking as people, what can the people in the two countries maybe learn from each other?

Helena Storm: Well, that’s a super difficult question because there’s so much that I will miss. Colombia is such a rich country in culture, history, and nature. I mean, it’s just amazing. So obviously, all of that, the strength of the Colombian civil society, I think I’ve never experienced such resilience and strength from civil society. But actually, it’s funny that you say that, because this weekend, I was doing kind of my last errands in Bogotá, and I was panicking a bit, because I said, “Oh, my God, I have to fit now all the Colombian artesanía,” as you say it here, “that I can fit in my suitcase.” Since I came, I’ve been buying handcrafted things from all the territories, and I always wear Colombian artesanía.

Today, I’m wearing an earring from Choco, made by a women’s organization in Choco. And you know, this is one small example of how you can create conditions to sustain yourself economically and empower women economically around the world, just a small example. But I have a huge collection of these, and I was like, “How will I be able to maintain this collection when I travel back to Sweden?” So that’s one of the things I will miss to travel around the territories, talking to different people, women in these territories, trying to make a living, trying to change, trying to construct a future for themselves and their communities.

And I think that kind of resumes what I will… You know, something that I’ve noted during these five years it’s the talent of the Colombian people and the talent of the workforce. It’s also one of the explanations why we have such an interest from Swedish companies to come here and establish here, the talent of the Colombian people. And I think when it comes to learning things from each other, I think Swedes maybe should learn to be a little bit more relaxed, not to plan everything, and that things may turn out great, even though you don’t have 100% control over every step and every detail. And maybe Colombians can learn to have a little bit more structure and a planning horizon.

Finance Colombia: Ambassador, thank you so much for your time. It’s been an honor to speak with you. Best of luck on your future postings and the rest of your career. I’ll certainly endeavor to stay in touch. We appreciate it. And I want to make sure that your staff knows that we want to do a better job of covering Sweden’s activity here in Colombia.

 Sometimes, as journalists, we can be lazy and write about what the US is doing, or what Spain is doing, or what happened next door in Venezuela. But we want to be sure, because we know that there are so many countries like Sweden that, aside from trade and commerce, are doing good works and contributing not just to Colombia, but to the region. And we want to make sure to communicate those things that you all are doing. And again, thank you. I’m tremendously grateful.

Helena Storm: Thank you so much. Thank you.

The first thing to highlight is that the Minister of Defense of Sweden, Pål Jonson, will arrive in Colombia, will be the head of the Swedish delegation and will participate in the inauguration ceremony scheduled for Wednesday, July 9, 2025. Minister Jonson will be accompanied by a delegation consisting of other high-ranking officials and business executives, who will be in the guest country area (stands 136, 234A, and 336) and will participate in the programming.

Academic Agenda

It’s not solely about technology or aircraft. For Sweden, future aeronautical solutions also play a crucial role in areas such as environmental sustainability, human rights, economic development, gender equality, and collaborative research and innovation. To share more about this vision, here are the confirmed talks that the guest country will offer:

1. Thursday, July 10 – 10:00 am
   Condor Room
   Conference: Challenges of modern air power; a credible and sustainable offensive air posture for your nation. Talk with Gripen pilot, the Swede Jussi Halmetoja.
2.  Thursday, July 10 – 10:40 am
   Condor Room
   Conference: The first woman to fly a Gripen. Gender equality in the aerospace industry. Presentation of the Swedish pilot Anna Dellham.
3. Friday, July 11 – 9:00 am
   Condor Room
   Panel: Aviation Industry and Sustainability. Participation of Christer Fureby, head of the Transfer Division in the Department of Energy Sciences in Sweden and director of CESTAP (Center for Sustainable Fuels for Turbines in Europe).
4. Friday, July 11 – 2:00 pm
   Colibrí Room
   Conference: SAF and the aviation of the future. Presentation by Christer Fureby.
5. Friday, July 11 – 2:00 pm
   Condor Room
   Panel: Aeronautical Innovation Ecosystem: Connecting Government, Industry, and Academia. EAFIT Experience, KTH University of Sweden, and Saab: Allies of the drone that fights climate change.
6. Friday, July 11 – 2:45 pm
   Hummingbird Room
   Conference: What is the aviation of the future? The Swedish vision. Executive SAAB.

At F-Air, Wandt will share his experience and vision of the aerospace industry and research, serving as an inspirational reference for the attendees.

Business Delegation

Sweden is proud of its innovation, quality, and sustainability, which is why #TeamSweden, under the leadership of Business Sweden (Swedish Trade and Invest Council), will showcase this with the participation of seven companies and two universities, who will share their offerings in the aerospace and aeronautics industry with attendees. These include Scama, Securitas, Ericsson, Midsummer, Saab, Kreab, and Scanform, which will be accompanied by Lund University and the Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) of Sweden. There, visitors will be able to approach the drone exhibition by Securitas, a Swedish global leader in intelligent security solutions. With its innovative offering of aero-vigilance and anti-drone technology, through its UAS Unit (Unmanned Aerial Systems), the company will conduct a prominent showcase of its integrated technology, aimed at companies specialized in aviation and cargo operations.

Attendees will also be able to learn more about high-tech systems for stopping aircraft in military units that will be presented by the Swedish company Scama.

At the same time, they will be able to detail Midsummer’s advanced solar solutions, which have been specially designed to meet the demands of the aerospace and
defense industries. Their patented technology of flexible and ultralight thin-film solar panels allows for efficient integration into high-tech platforms such as stratospheric balloons, UAVs, nanosatellites, and mobile observation or telecommunications systems.

The guests won’t want to miss the exhibition of the drone that combats climate change. It is a successful collaboration project between EAFIT University of Colombia,
The Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) of Sweden and Saab have resulted in a new unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) capable of collecting data for monitoring
climatic.

For its part, Saab will share its wide range of high-tech products and systems for air, land, and sea. Visitors will be able to experience through a simulator how
The Gripen incorporates maneuverability, performance, communication, navigation, and electronic warfare.

Additionally, they will be able to see the full-scale replica of the Gripen E, as well as the Giraffe 1X, an aerial surveillance component in the field of Ground-Based Air Defense (GBAD).
That provides air defense commanders with quality data on targets, drone detection, and detection and warning against artillery, rockets, and mortars (C-RAM) in
a single solution. Saab will also feature a demo of the R-TWR, digital towers that allow for the remote use of air traffic services (ATS) from anywhere.

Cultural Agenda

On Sunday, July 13, Sweden will offer a program of workshops for children and families. There will be three spaces where, through techniques like origami and scientific drawing, visitors will be able to approach the world of aeronautics in fun and educational ways. Each workshop will last an hour and a half, and they will be held in time slots in the morning, beginning and end of the afternoon. Participation in these workshops is open to the public and does not require prior registration.

Photo credit: F-AIR Colombia/Facebook.

According to Petro, the purchase package also comes with a flexible solar panel factory in Córdoba, Colombia, southwest of Cartagena, drinking water in the La Guajira department of Colombia near the Venezuelan border, and medical equipment for the San Juan de Dios hospital in Bogotá.

The Saab Gripen has been in competition with other 4^th generation fighters such as the Lockheed Martin F-16 and the Dassault Rafale to replace Colombia’s functionally obsolete Israeli-made KFIR fighters, now 50 years old.

Petro ran on a presidential platform opposing the purchase of any new jet fighter fleet for Colombia’s air force, though he quickly reversed course once elected, claiming that new aircraft were needed for the safety of the pilots. At the time of Petro’s election, the Saab and France’s Dassault were finalists, and $678 million USD had been allocated to the project, though the initiative collapsed when the budget allocation expired.

The setback opened the door for US aerospace manufacturer Lockheed Martin to attempt to restart talks with the Petro government for the more expensive F-16 Block 70 fighters, but at $108 million USD per aircraft, the $3.1 billion USD package would be considerably more expensive than the original budget.

Though the F-16 and Saab Gripen are both respected as excellent tactical fighters, the Swedes have touted the Gripen as appropriate for Colombia given both its ability to operate with less infrastructure, and ease of maintenance. Though the Gripen has some air superiority limitations compared to the F-16, it is able, for example to take off from a 500-meter runway—less than the length of three football fields, be maintained at a lower cost and with fewer personnel (according to Saab), and is quite capable in the types of engagements Colombia is likely to find itself involved in, such as air-to ground and anti-insurgency operations.

This morning, Saab head of Media Relations, Mattias Rådström told Finance Colombia in an email exchange that”It is very positive for Saab and Sweden that Colombia’s President Petro has announced his intention to acquire the Gripen E/F advanced multi-role fighter. Saab has the most comprehensive offer for Colombia, and we are convinced that Gripen E/F is the best choice for the long-term defense, security and prosperity of Colombia. Although no contract is yet in place, we look forward to finalizing negotiations with Colombia.”

Above photo: A Saab Gripen E at Colombia’s 2023 F-AIR airshow (photo: Loren Moss)

A wastewater analysis has indicated that in Europe, cocaine from South America is now being consumed in smaller towns, as well as major urban areas.

Photo: A dismantled cocaine laboratory in Tolima, Colombia. (Credit: Colombian Air Force)

The report, published on March 20 by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), is the institution’s latest annual overview of drug residues used to estimate cocaine consumption across participant cities in Europe. This year, the report analyzed results from approximately 90 cities and towns, though several major cities, including London, Madrid, and Berlin, did not participate.

It found that the Belgian city of Antwerp, a vital port for the arrival of drugs from Latin America to Europe, remains the continent’s cocaine consumption capital, while eastern European states — particularly the Czech Republic and Slovakia — continue to dominate in methamphetamine consumption, though that is changing slowly.

The report also looked beyond the European Union for the first time to compare residues at a global level, including cities in the United States and Brazil in its analysis.

Researchers tested the cities’ sewage systems for indications of how much cocaine the population is consuming, which they estimate in milligrams per 1,000 inhabitants per day (mg/1000p/day).

Wastewater studies measure only drugs that have been consumed, not those that were dumped, João Matias, a scientific analyst at the EMCDDA and one of the authors of the study, told InSight Crime.

“Once inside our bodies, the drug is metabolized. Once excreted to the sewage system, researchers can take samples before the water is treated. We look for the metabolites produced after the use of a specific substance,” said Matias.

Here, InSight Crime analyzes the report’s findings on the increasing prevalence of cocaine and methamphetamine outside of major cities in Europe, as well as new data from non-EU cities.

Disparities Between Urban and Non-Urban Consumption Dissolve

This year, researchers noted that differences in residue readings between urban and non-urban settings in Europe no longer exist, suggesting that traffickers have flooded the continent with cocaine, and it is now available almost everywhere.

“Contrary to previous years, in most countries with multiple study locations, no marked differences were found when comparing large cities to smaller locations,” according to the report.

Record coca cultivation and cocaine production in nations on the supply side of the cocaine trade have enabled this spread.

Authorities in Colombia, the world’s largest cocaine producer, seized 739.5 tons of the drug in 2023, an increase from the 659 tons seized in 2022. Peru saw a 4.4% drop in seizures of cocaine but 53% more cocaine base, while Bolivian seizures jumped by 62%.

The Colombian government’s announcement in March that it would reduce eradication efforts to 10,000 hectares, half of 2023’s target, is likely to see coca cultivation increase still further this year.

Even with these record seizures in Latin America, seizures in Europe also continued to climb. Europe’s traditional entry points — Belgium, the Netherlands, and Spain — all increased their seizures. Sweden and Russia, countries not known for receiving cocaine, saw large single seizures of 699 kilograms and 460 kilograms respectively, while Norway made its largest-ever cocaine seizure of 800 kilograms.

The report also found that cocaine residues have doubled since 2011 among the seven cities that have participated in the study each year.

From 2011, the daily value of cocaine residue across Antwerp in Belgium, Zagreb in Croatia, Milan in Italy, Eindhoven and Utrecht in the Netherlands, and Castellón and Santiago in Spain, rose from 341 mg/1,000p/day to 747 mg/1,000p/day in 2023. Last year, the rate in these cities was slightly higher, at 800 mg/1,000p/day.

The increase in consumption is “definitely related to the increased availability [in Europe] and the increased production of cocaine in South America,” Matias said.

Methamphetamine’s Slow Spread

The report also found that methamphetamine use has spread into new areas of the continent, while seizures of the drug both in Latin America and Europe have made the news.

“Methamphetamine use, generally low and historically concentrated in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, now appears to be present also in Belgium, Cyprus, the east of Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, Turkey and several northern European countries,” said the report. However, overall, the study found that the amount of methamphetamine consumed remained stable.

“One of the highlights of last year’s report was that we were seeing an increase in methamphetamine use over most of Europe,” said Matias. “This year we found use in many countries, but we didn’t see the same increase in use we saw in the previous years.”

Methamphetamine, a synthetic drug, has traditionally been supplied to the European market by local actors, including in the consumption heartlands of the Czech Republic and Slovakia.

However, in 2019, multiple arrests of Mexican or other Latin American methamphetamine cooks in the Netherlands and Belgium suggested that the “Mexican method” — the production of methamphetamine used in Mexico which produces a high-quality drug — was being learned by European producers. Since 2019, there have been no other arrests, implying that a transfer of knowledge has taken place.

The vast majority of methamphetamine production in Mexico usually takes place in the northwestern state of Sinaloa, and is then trafficked to the United States. Significant amounts of methamphetamine have arrived to European shores recently, though the majority was intended for onward travel.

In February 2024, Ireland made its largest-ever methamphetamine seizure of 546 kilograms, worth some $35 million. The drugs had come from Mexico and were on their way to Australia, police said. The shipment was traced back to the Sinaloa Cartel.

At the beginning of September, Mexican authorities discovered 20 tons of suspected methamphetamine aboard a ship in Veracruz, on Mexico’s Atlantic coast, according to a press release. The ship was headed for Rotterdam, the Netherlands.

Non-EU Cities Rival European Cocaine Habits

For the first time, the EMCDDA report included wastewater results from non-European Union cities. Cities in the United States, Switzerland, and Brazil “show similar levels of use as the cities in Europe with the highest loads,” found the report.

Seattle in the United States recorded a daily mean of 647 mg/1,000p, while Geneva in Switzerland recorded 812mg/1,000p. The northeastern Brazilian city of Recife had a daily mean of 670 mg/1,000p.

These results are around the same as European cities like Utrecht (744), Paris (616), and Barcelona (619), but still far below the big hitters like Antwerp (1,722), the highest of all participant cities by a distance, or Amsterdam (1,210).

While cocaine consumption may be entrenched in many regions of the world, Oceania remains relatively untouched, according to residue findings. The daily mean of 102 mg/1,000p across Australia’s 55 sites suggests a dearth of the drug, and provides plenty of reasons for organized crime groups to continue, and perhaps even increase, their attempts to move cocaine to this untapped market.

This article, written by Peter Appleby, was originally published by InSight Crime, a Medellín-based foundation dedicated to the investigation and analysis of crime and security in Colombia and Latin America.

The Ukraine-Russia war has affected fuel and food prices and caused inflation to increase worldwide. Latin American inflation reached 8.4% for the region in June 2022, which was the highest level recorded since 2005, according to data from the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).

• United States:   Highest inflation since 1981
• United Kingdom:   Highest inflation since 1981
• Italy: Highest inflation since 1985
• Argentina:  Highest inflation since 1991
• Sweden:   Highest inflation since 1991
• Canada:  Highest inflation since 1991
• Japan: Highest inflation since 1991
• Germany: Highest inflation since 1996
• Peru: Highest inflation since 1996
• Colombia: Highest inflation since 1999

Colombia came to occupy the one of the top five spots for inflation in the region, despite being far lower in inflation levels reached by Venezuela and Argentina, two countries that chronically occupy the first places. Colombia’s big problem was that, together with Chile, is that the Andean nation maintained stable values in terms of its price indices, but  in 2022 both countries saw price indices costs affected in an unusual way.

Graphic: Melisa Murialdo

Ranking of Latin American Countries by Interannual CPI 2022

1. Venezuela 305.70%
2. Argentina 94.80%
3. Colombia 13.10%
4. Chile 12.80%
5. Honduras 9.80%
6. Guatemala 9.20%
7. Peru 8.46%
8. Uruguay 8.29%
9. Paraguay 8.10%
10. Costa Rica 7.88%
11. Dominican Republic 7.80%
12. Mexico 7.80%
13. El Salvador 7.30%
14. Brazil 5.90%
15. Ecuador 3.70%
16. Bolivia 3.10%
17. Panama 2.10%

Food and non-alcoholic beverages, accommodations, water, electricity, gas and other fuels, are the factors that most influence the rise in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) currently.

Colombian consumption sectors that saw increased prices beyond the composite index level of 13%

• Food and non-alcoholic beverages (27.81%)
• Restaurants and hotels (18.54%)
• Furniture, household items and for ordinary home maintenance (18.25%)

As for food, beef and beef products, rice and milk saw the largest increases during the year that ended.

Causes of Widespread Price Increase

Multiple factors cause this important rise in prices since on the one hand it is affected by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 with Covid-19. Another cause already mentioned is the recent conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

Not far behind is the climatic situation associated with the La Niña effect that caused exaggerated rainy seasons, negatively affecting national agricultural production.

Added to this Colombia’s dependence on imports, especially for grains.

Graphic: Melisa Murialdo

Although the minimum wage increased more than inflation, the increase was less than in 2021.

According to a survey carried out by the analyst accountant Melisa Murialdo, spending power associated with the increase in the minimum wage that occurred in 2022, is practically consumed by the increase in basic consumer goods, and a new increase in the minimum wage would influence one more rise in inflation.

Despite the fact that in 2022 the nominal increase in the minimum wage was 16% – almost double the increase in 2021 when it had been 10.07%, as inflation doubled, the annual change in real wages actually decreased by 35% compared to the previous year, since real increases were 4.45% in 2021 and 2.88% in 2022.

Implications of exorbitant price increases – more debt

The problem is that inflation encompasses the generalized rise in prices, and when the price of the basic basket, of daily consumption, is taken into account, the increase was much greater (28%) than the increase in wages (16% nominal; 3% real)  felt in Colombia. Colombian families must resort to new strategies for their subsistence. According to Bancolombia, the main source for retail consumption is employment wages, but since wages fail to cover the increases of the past year, today consumer loans are becoming more popular, including credit cards, personal and mortgage loans.

The granting of retail credit grew by 33.5% during June of 2022 compared to the previous year, while the use of credit cards grew by 43.8% compared to the same month of 2021.

This data is concerning, as bank debt grows and in 2020, Colombia’s central bank, the Bank of the Republic lowered interest rates, making retail lending more accessible, but less sustainable in the long term. The consequence is the rise in retail indebtedness.

Although the prospects for 2023, according to international organizations, are good, currently the concern for Colombian residents is still less, although it is a problem that is affecting the entire world.

Graphic: Melisa Murialdo

Sources:

National Administrative Department of Statistics DANE

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)

MT Financial Education Blog

Bancolombia

Permanent Commission for Concertation on Wage and Labor Policies

Author: Melisa Murialdo

Created in the 1950s, CONPES is Colombia’s National Council for Economic and Social Policy, and acts as a technical planning body advising the government on long term public investment and major contracts large enough to have a significant effect on the national budget and public credit.

Colombia, limited by available budget, took a “how many planes can we get for $678 million?” approach, while the two European defense contractors were said to insist upon a firm commitment for 16 aircraft.

Colombia currently flies approximately 20 1970s-era Israeli Kfir single engine combat aircraft, which are technologically obsolete, and have reached the end of their service life. While President Gustavo Petro ran on a campaign promise to nix the purchase of new combat aircraft being negotiated by former President Ivan Duque, once elected, he reversed position, saying new aircraft were needed “for the safety of the pilots.”

The “Gringos?”

The United States, Colombia’s closest defense ally and trade partner, has been lobbying Colombia for years to consider its Lockheed Martin F-16 Fighting Falcon fighter, and has always been sure to send a US Air Force contingent to the biennial F-AIR air show put on by the Colombian Air Force at the José María Córdova International Airport outside of Medellín. During the 2019 event, the US even sent its Thunderbirds demonstration team, that flies the F-16, and conducted a flyover where a US B-52 Stratofortress bomber, which can fly over 14,000km without refueling, flew nonstop from the US and conducted maneuvers (above photo) with the Colombian Kfir jets before returning without landing. The 2021 event was canceled due to COVID-19 restrictions.

Analysts, including Finance Colombia, will be observant for clues to progress on negotiations at this year’s F-AIR taking place in July. F-AIR is open to the public, and aviation enthusiasts are encouraged to attend.

Above photo: A USAF B-52 Stratofortress bomber flies in formation with Colombian Kfir fighters, commemorating the 100^th anniversary of the founding of Colombia’s Air Force by the creation of a military aviation school for the Colombian Army in 1919 (photo © Loren Moss).

The event, organized by Mayor Daniel Quintero and the municipal investment promotion agency ACI Medellin hosted ambassadors from several countries, including The Dominican Republic, Haiti, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Spain, Denmark, Israel and Sweden, and mayors from throughout the Americas, including Peru, Ecuador, and Mexico.

Biosafety protocols were carefully enforced throughout the event.

Visitors were shown many of Medellín’s recent successes, along with ambitious plans such as the new 80^th Avenue light rail project, various initiatives from city agencies, and the Mayor’s controversial plan to close the city’s municipal airport, replacing it with an expansion of the international airport in nearby Rionegro, and a new airport to the north of the city.

Friday, dignitaries were taken on a walking tour through downtown Medellín, then rode the “Tranvia” light rail to the neighborhood of Buenos Aires, where they took the “Metrocable” cable car public transport system to a box lunch and neighborhood performance. The tour was designed to highlight the city’s decades-long efforts at social inclusion, and technological ambitions to create what Quintero calls the Software Valley.

“Now more than ever, we realize that many cities want to know our model and replicate it in their regions to advance in the way that Medellín has done. So this event makes it clear to us that Medellín is a model to the world and that people want to know what we are doing well and that allows us to position ourselves as an innovative territory in the world,” said ACI Medellín’s executive director, Eleonora Betancur.

“The image that the world has of Medellín is of a city that has taken an impressive step. I do not know another city that has changed so much in such a short time and it is a very tangible reality in all the streets and people,” said Hungary’s consul to Colombia, András Beck.

Meanwhile, the nonprofit journal Insight Crime, which reports on and analyzes organized crime and corruption throughout Latin America and the Caribbean had been investigating Guillermo León Acevedo Giraldo: A low-profile businessman based in Madrid, Spain, also known as “Memo Fantasma” (Will The Ghost) who according to Insight Crime is “a former drug trafficker and leader of the brutal paramilitary army known as the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia — AUC).”

During this investigation into Memo Fantasma, Insight Crime discovered that he participated in the construction project Torre 85, a luxury building in Bogotá’s exclusive El Retiro neighborhood developed by Ramirez’ husband Alvaro Rincón by providing a portion of the land and investing in the project, built by Rincón’s construction company Hitos Urbanos Limitada. Vice President Ramirez remains a shareholder in this company, according to Insight Crime. Rincón admitted to Insight Crime his dealings with Memo Fantasma but insisted that he was unaware of his history.

“I know what story you are working on”—Marta Lucia Ramirez in a message to McDermott just hours after he confronted Memo Fantasma in Spain

After Insight Crime revealed the connections, Vice President Ramirez did an interview in April with W Radio where she insisted:

“I must tell you that if all this information is correct, as it apparently is, what I most desire is for this investigation to advance.”

Insight Crime published a full transcript of her interview, presenting her side of the story, where she contradicted her own husband by saying they had no dealings with Memo Fantasma, who two weeks ago (Memo Fantasma) had eight properties valued at over $2 million USD seized by Colombian prosecutors (Torre 85 was not one of them).

The Criminal Charges

On July 24, Colombia’s Attorney General notified Insight Crime’s co-director and leader of the Memo Fantasma investigation Jeremy McDermott that Vice President Marta Lucia Ramirez filed criminal charges on June 2 against him for “affecting her right to moral integrity, good name, dignity and honor.” The attorney general’s office “invited” McDermott to meet with Ramirez via videoconference to reconcile their differences before the legal proceedings went any further: This an apparent attempt to pressure McDermott to issue statements in defense of the Vice President (even though McDermott never accused Ramirez or her husband Rincón of any wrongdoing) and contradicting his reporting of her links to Memo Fantasma, whether she knew who he was or not.

In April, McDermott received a demand to remove mentions of any connections between Ramirez and Memo Fantasma from the law firm of Abelardo De la Espriella, the same attorneys so far unsuccessfully fighting to quash Matarife, a YouTube show that is vexing another of their powerful clients, former President and current Senator Alvaro Uribe; political patron of current Colombian President Ivan Duque. Vice President Ramirez served as then President Uribe’s defense minister from 2002 to 2003. Espriella has a history of attacking journalists and NGOs on behalf of Uribe, though US based media mammoth Univision has directly accused de la Espriella’s firm of corruption in the case of Nicolas Maduro ally Alex Saab, a Colombian fugitive and former de la Espriella client currently detained in Cape Verde and fighting extradition to the United States. According to the Univision report, de la Espriella’s firm bribed a police officer to provide information on Saab’s pending 2018 arrest by Colombian police so that he could escape—then turned the police officer in for bribery!

Rather than bowing to Ramirez’s tactics, McDermott went public with the Vice President’s charges against him, immediately publishing an article announcing the criminal complaint against him. A conviction would result in 16 to 54 months in prison and a fine of up to $375,000 USD under Colombian law.

The reaction from press freedom advocates was swift. The actions taken by Colombia’s Vice President were condemned by groups like Human Rights Watch, the Committee to Protect Journalists, and Colombia’s Foundation for Press Freedom. Insight Crime, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) and non-profit foundation also has diplomatic support, receiving funding from the governments of countries including the UK, Germany, Canada & Sweden, and academic institutions such as American University’s Center for Latin American & Latino Studies.

Ramirez quickly felt the pressure, as evidenced by her direct response on Twitter to José Miguel Vivanco, the Executive Director, Americas Division of Human Rights Watch, who reminded her that her actions violate standards of freedom of expression; penal codes against defamation (though she was never defamed by McDermott) violate human rights norms, and the honor of public officials should never be protected with prison.

Shortly after the scolding by Vivanco, the Vice President announced on Twitter that she was withdrawing the charges against McDermott.

El caso de @jerrymcdermott me puso en una encrucijada y la defensa a mi buen nombre prevaleció. Hoy considero el caso superado y retiraré la denuncia penal. La libertad de prensa y la defensa del honor son derechos inalienables y baluarte de la democracia.

— Marta Lucía Ramírez (@mluciaramirez) July 29, 2020

“The case of @jeremymcdermott put me at a crossroad and the defense of my good name prevailed,” she announced, though Insight Crime has stood by its story in every detail, and further revelations show even closer family ties—convictions even for importing heroin into the United States by her own brother, which she bailed out during his proceedings.

“Today I consider the case overcome, and I will withdraw my penal charges. Liberty of press and the defense of honor are inalienable rights and bulwark of democracy,” she continued in her tweet.

McDermott stressed that while he is thankful, the dropping of the lawsuit does not change the fact that journalists in Colombia can still be threatened with legal action using the same law that was used against him. He questioned whether a Colombian journalist would have seen the same outcome if faced with a similar situation.

“We did not change a single word in the investigation, and this validates our work,” McDermott said from Medellín.

Headline photo: Felipe Castaño, Vicepresidency of The Republic

Lèse-majesté is a French term meaning “to do wrong to majesty” and defines an offense against the dignity of a reigning sovereign. In medieval countries and some dictatorships such as Iran & North Korea it is against the law to offend the ruler. If Colombia is to be considered a modern republic, it cannot be acceptable for anyone occupying Casa de Nariño (the presidential palace) to use their prosecutors or prisons to intimidate, menace & bully journalists simply for reporting verified & true but embarrassing facts. As the Washington Post reminds us: “Democracy dies in darkness.”