President Abelardo De La Espriella and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio signed two bilateral framework agreements in Barranquilla on September 8, 2026, covering critical minerals supply chains and civil nuclear cooperation, in what Rubio said was his first trip to Colombia since becoming secretary of state. The signing was held at the Batallón Paraíso, which has served as a presidential venue in Barranquilla during the visit, according to El Heraldo. It capped a day of meetings between Rubio, De La Espriella and Foreign Minister Omar Bula Escobar that De La Espriella framed as the start of a broader package he called the Acuerdos de Barranquilla (Barranquilla Agreements).

The first instrument, the Framework Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of Colombia for Securing of Supply in the Mining and Processing of Critical Minerals and Rare Earths, sets up cooperation on mineral supply-chain security. The second, the Memorandum of Understanding Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of Colombia Concerning Strategic Civil Nuclear Cooperation, links Colombian and American nuclear researchers, regulators and industry and supports US non-proliferation objectives. According to El Tiempo, the nuclear memorandum does not authorize any transfer of nuclear technology, which would require a separate, longer-negotiated “123 Agreement,” and Colombia becomes the 16th country to sign this kind of arrangement with Washington since 2019, following Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovenia, Ghana, the Philippines, Armenia, Kenya, Singapore, El Salvador, Malaysia, Bahrain, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic and Paraguay.

De La Espriella tied the agreements directly to the August 10 earthquake that struck near San José del Palmar, Chocó, and damaged municipalities in Valle del Cauca. He said the US has provided $26.5 million USD in humanitarian assistance since the disaster, calling it more support than any other country has given, and said the two governments are moving “from emergency solidarity to a long-term strategic partnership.” The US Department of State has said the aid, delivered in two tranches, covers food, health care, protection, shelter and post-earthquake structural assessments, and is channeled through groups including the International Federation of the Red Cross, the International Organization for Migration, UNICEF, the World Food Programme and World Vision, according to Portafolio.

De La Espriella described the Acuerdos de Barranquilla as organized around three goals: rebuilding earthquake-affected areas, recovering the economy and strengthening hemispheric security. On the economic side, he proposed a bilateral prosperity dialogue with specific, funded, timelined projects on infrastructure, technology, industrial rebuilding and the minerals sector, and asked Rubio to back Colombia’s access to multilateral financing instruments. He also asked for a US commercial-diplomacy commitment covering investment, funding and technology, in exchange for Colombia offering project sites, production capacity and streamlined regulation.

On security, De La Espriella again pressed for what he calls the Plan Patriota Siglo XXI (21st Century Patriot Plan), a proposal to modernize Colombia’s aircraft, drones, radar, helicopters, counter-drone systems, air defense, cybersecurity and special-forces capability, financed partly with Colombia’s own resources. He said Colombia wants to be Washington’s top hemispheric security partner and set annual, verifiable counternarcotics targets covering precursor chemicals, trafficking routes, leadership networks and money laundering. Colombia joined the Coalition of the Americas Against the Cartels, a multinational anti-cartel effort coordinated by US Southern Command and known regionally as the Escudo de las Américas (Shield of the Americas), on August 12, becoming its 19th member nation, and De La Espriella said Medellín will host the coalition’s Colombian coordination site. Rubio, for his part, said Colombia has not asked for US troops and described the cooperation instead as intelligence-sharing, equipment, target identification and specialized training, according to El Heraldo.

De La Espriella also raised Venezuela, noting the two countries share more than 2,000 kilometers of border and that instability there affects Colombian security, migration, smuggling, armed groups and energy supply; he said Colombia would cooperate with the US on regional stability “in a very responsible manner.” In a separate press appearance the same day, Rubio said Washington had raised the presence of ELN camps and other armed groups operating from Venezuelan territory with the interim government led by Delcy Rodríguez, and that the matter would also be taken up with what he called Venezuela’s future democratic government, calling the pattern of fighters crossing into Colombia to commit crimes and returning across the border “not sustainable,” according to El Tiempo. De La Espriella said the two governments had agreed to expand migration-data and biometric cooperation and border enforcement, and he asked Rubio to study reopening a US consulate in Barranquilla, which last had one years ago. On illicit finance, De La Espriella asked for expanded judicial and financial cooperation to trace and seize laundered proceeds and hidden assets tied to organized crime.

Foreign Minister Bula Escobar cast the visit in commercial terms, saying before Rubio’s arrival that Colombia would pursue “solid, constructive and mutually beneficial relations,” with particular emphasis on “economic and commercial diplomacy: attracting investment, opening markets, promoting exports, tourism, technology and innovation.” Colombia’s ambassador to Washington, María Consuelo Araújo, said in the same release that the bilateral relationship in security, commerce and culture remains “extremely important and relevant” to both countries, according to the US Embassy in Bogotá.

“We look forward not just to restoring that but building upon it and creating a golden age of relationships between our two countries and our two people.”

— Secretary of State Marco Rubio

Rubio, who first met De La Espriella years before either held his current office, said the previous four years of distance between the two governments were “not natural” given the scale of economic, cultural and personal ties between Colombia and the US. Neither side put a dollar figure on the broader minerals, infrastructure or energy commitments discussed; De La Espriella said working teams in Washington and Bogotá will develop specific projects, funding and timelines in the coming weeks.

Full remarks: the Barranquilla signing ceremony and joint statement

The following is the full text of the signing ceremony and joint statement between President Abelardo De La Espriella and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, released by the US Department of State, Office of the Spokesperson. Video of the exchange is available from the official Colombian Presidencia YouTube channel.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon. Good afternoon. The Presidency of Colombia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would like to welcome you to the ceremony of two memorandums of understanding between the Government of Colombia and the Government of the US of America.

We are pleased to have His Highness President Abelardo De La Espriella, who is the president of Colombia, that’s going to be in this act as the witness — as a witness of honor. And we would also like to greet Omar Bula Escobar, who is the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia, and His Excellency Marco Rubio, who is the Secretary of State of the United States of America, who are going to sign both agreements.

(In English) Good afternoon. The Presidency of the Republic of Colombia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs welcome you to the signing ceremony of two memoranda of understanding between the Government of the Republic of Colombia and the Government of the United States of America. We are honored by the presence of His Excellency Abelardo De La Espriella, President of the Republic of Colombia, who joins us as witness of honor. We also welcome His Excellency Omar Bula Escobar, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia, and the Honorable Marco Rubio, Secretary of State of the United States of America, who will sign both instruments.

(In Spanish.)

(In English) We will now proceed with the signing of the first memorandum of understanding, the Framework Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of Colombia for Securing of Supply in the Mining and Processing of Critical Minerals and Rare Earths. (Applause.)

(The Memorandum is signed.)

(Applause.)

(Via interpreter) Okay, thank you so much. We will now proceed with the signing of the second memorandum of understanding that it’s called the Memorandum of Understanding Between the Government of Colombia and the United States of America about Civil Strategic Cooperation, signed by the chancellor of Colombia and the Secretary of State of the US.

(In English) We will now proceed with the signing of the second memorandum of understanding, the Memorandum of Understanding Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Republic of Colombia Concerning Strategic Civil Nuclear Cooperation. (Applause.)

(The Memorandum is signed.)

(Applause.)

(Via interpreter) Thank you so much. Thank you so much. And now we were going to go to the joint declaration about the meeting between the statement between Abelardo De La Espriella and the Secretary of State of the United States Marco Rubio. And we’re going to initiate with the Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Mr. Secretary, welcome. Welcome.

SECRETARY RUBIO: (Via interpreter) Thank you so much, Mr. President. And thank you. I’m so glad — I’m so glad. I came here last time as a senator but in the last four years as a senator, and then as the Secretary of State we hadn’t traveled here. And I think that until a certain point, this is a signal of the distance that had been created between our governments, which is not natural because the relationship between Colombia and the United States is almost impossible to replicate because they are personal links, cultural links, and also — and also at the economic level. And also we also have the opportunity to restore that natural relationships that we have between our countries, but also to grow into a new stage, a new cooperation stage with our president even stronger than we had before.

We talked a lot about security, because always security is key, because without security there is no prosperity. But the opportunities that exist between Colombia and the US is much more than security because it’s the base of everything. Without security it’s impossible to operate as a country and as a society. But beyond that — because sometime people say that I — now they’re telling me I’m speaking in a low — you can hear me well, right? They say I’m speaking in a very low voice.

There is no doubt that without security a country cannot progress, and the threats to security that Colombia is facing, it’s the same things that we face in the US: the same networks, the same criminal groups that, although they commit their crimes here, they also commit crimes in the US, and they damage our people. But that’s the base. That’s the key. That’s the most relevant thing.

And because the most important role of any — of any government in any part of the world, it’s the security of its people. But above that, we can build on prosperity, which is extremely important to move forward. And also the opportunity that exists for Colombia at the economic level are huge, are amazing, and these are opportunities that Mr. President has in mind that we can work together so that it benefits both countries.

We have a lot to do because, unfortunately, this government inherited a series of disasters, bad decisions, and we feel — we feel the same when we went into power a year and a half ago. But you are facing the errors of the last four years, and you need to face this. And besides that, there was a disaster. There was an earthquake that was tragical.

But there are amazing opportunities, and we’re going to use this opportunity that we have nowadays, because the links between our two governments are so solid to ensure that not only are we going to focus on security, but this is something going to be key in our relationship, but we’re also going to focus in what we call the opportunity of creating a prosperity that helps the North American people and also helps the Colombian people.

And this relationship between our governments have a — have direct impact on the daily life of people here but also the people in the US, and especially people in the certain part of Florida where I’ve lived most of my life.

If you allow, Mr. President, I’m going to give a couple of words.

(In English) I want to say a few words in English as well. First, I want to thank the president for receiving us. It — it’s not every day — let me say in this in Spanish first. I should’ve said it earlier.

(Via interpreter) It’s not — and we’ve not always traveled to a country and we have the opportunity to exchange with chief of state that you met before they were president, before he was a politician, because of the mutual relationships that we have. And even when we were talking not long ago, the two years ago when we were in the same — we were in the same table at a wedding in the southern part of Florida. That’s why this is a place where the president of the — the president is someone that I’ve met at a personal level. And then he went crazy and decided to become a politician and decided to turn president.

(In English) So I think that it’s unusual that you travel to a country that you meet with a head of state and a president who you’ve actually known for years before he was president, before he was even in politics. And as I was joking, when he lost his mind and went into politics, and — but he’s going to do a great job for this country, and I know that. I know that from what I know about him from before he was president. This is a man of energy. This is a man of strength. This is a man of vision and of courage because he’s confronting a very difficult situation. He has inherited many disasters.

Obviously, the country faces the aftermath of a natural disaster in an earthquake, but he also faces a disaster that’s institutional, that goes through four years of very bad management and that, frankly, harmed the relationship between the United States and Colombia, something that simply is not natural. The United States and Colombia have a strong bond that exists well beyond just the cooperation of our governments. It’s a strong economic bond. It’s a strong cultural bond. It’s a strong people-to-people bond, a social bond.

I can tell you personally, having lived in south Florida the majority of my life, how we follow so closely the events that happen in Colombia, because it has a direct impact on life in south Florida and ultimately in our country. This is the natural state of things, is for the US and Colombia to be strong allies and strong partners, and the last four years is an aberration between our governments. But that is changing as well.

Clearly, the most important obligation of any government is to provide for the security of their people. It’s the number one obligation, and that is certainly an issue that you will confront here and that I am confident the president and his team are very serious about, and we’re going to do everything we can to help you.

But security is the basic and most important requirement of a government, but prosperity follows closely behind it, and that is opportunity of a country and an economy that provides the opportunity for upward mobility and prosperity for all of its people. And we believe we have a lot we can do together in the field of energy, in the field of trade, in the field of commerce, that allows both countries to benefit: the people of the United States, who I work for, and the people of Colombia, who the president works for and his team works for.

So I’m excited that after not having been here for a while, to be back, to be back with someone I know so well as president, who I know has a great vision and energy for the future, and excited to be back in a country that has been our strongest ally and partner in the region for many, many years. And we look forward not just to restoring that but building upon it and creating a golden age of relationships between our two countries and our two people.

Muchas gracias. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT DE LA ESPRIELLA: Thank you.

(Via interpreter) A very special welcome to all of you today. Barranquilla has been the scenario of a very strategic conversation for the present and for the future of Colombia and of our relationship with the United States of America. To welcome the Secretary of State Marco Rubio here in the Colombian Caribbean has a very special meaning, because Barranquilla has been historically the Golden Door of Colombia to the world and represents an absolute conviction of my government because Colombia, it’s not just governed from Bogotá, Colombia; it’s governed from its regions.

I would like to thank Secretary Rubio. His presence — we are honored by his presence. He has been an inspiration for this battle for democracy, institutionality, and freedom because there is no Latino in the world that doesn’t feel represented by Marco Rubio, that has always done things the best way possible. And with regards to our community, that’s why I thank you so much, Mr. Secretary of State. It’s a pride and honor to have you here in the land of Barranquilla.

I also would like to publicly acknowledge the solidarity of the US Government after the earthquake that we endured on August 10th. They have helped us with $26.5 million USD in humanitarian assistance, and besides all of what they are doing regarding the fires that people are suffering near Tolima. No country in the world has helped as much as the United States, and today we’re giving a step forward. We are not going back from the solidarity in the emergency, to a very strategic partnership, a long-term strategic partnership.

From this meeting there is a guideline that we’ve called the Barranquilla agreements, and they follow three main topics that are highly relevant for our country and for the hemisphere. We are going to rebuild the homeland, we are going to recover the economy, and we are going to protect the hemisphere. And we’re initiating a historical and close relationship that was interrupted during four years, but it has always been there in the deeper areas, in the deeper basis of Colombia, because the United States has been our partner. We have been their ally and partner, and when the United States and Colombia have worked together, the only thing that we have had, it’s development, security, and progress.

The main purpose of this agreement, it’s the rebuilding and the economic recovery. The earthquake left huge challenges in households, in bridges, utilities, and in productive capacity. We were thinking where we wanted to work on cooperation, investment, and funding mechanisms, including the International Development Corporation, other agencies, the private sectors and companies from both countries. We would like to attract investments to the infrastructure, energy, households energy, and the productive reconstruction Colombia is also going to do (inaudible) because we are going to do what we have to do regarding fiscal discipline, the legal certainty, efficiency, expanding better investment conditions.

In the same way, I requested Mr. Secretary of State to accompany us before multilateral organisms to enable instruments that allow us to fund these transitions without sacrificing the economic transition of our countries.

We are proposing to the US a partnership where Colombia puts project territories, productive capabilities, resources, and clear rules and regulations (inaudible) the US supports investments funding technologies and business capability.

Other of the important points, it’s shared prosperity. I have proposed Mr. Secretary to have this bilateral prosperity dialogue with very specific projects with — that has funding, timelines that our teams in Washington are going to continue developing. We identified some policies regarding infrastructure, technology, industry, rebuilding, and also rare minerals, which is the treatment we’ve just signed. Colombia has access to two oceans, has the strategic resources and human talent. We need to turn all those opportunities that Colombia has in investments and productive chains, in manufacturing and also in employment for our people.

Another very important point, it’s security in the struggle against drug terrorism. Colombia wants to become the first hemispheric security partner with the US, and we’re going to be the partner number one in South America. The 21st century requires new capabilities. That’s why we have proposed to the government, and I said it once again today, the Patriot Plan 21st century is to update airplanes, drones, radars, helicopters, anti-drone systems, aerial defense, mobility, intelligence, cyber defense, special forces, and the maintenance and the operationality. We’re going to have our own resource and we hope to build together capabilities to be able to face sophisticated threats.

But at the same time, we need the support — we need the support, a push from the United States, and we’re going to work in a very decisive manner in our fight against drug trafficking. We’re going to start with — we’re going to go through the precursors, we’re going to go through the pathways, we’re going to go through the leaders, we’re going to go to the narco-terrorists, we’re going to go through the money laundering and other criminal equity and also those international networks that are a huge challenge not only for the hemisphere but also for humankind. Colombia, it’s ready to have annual quotas, verifiable indicators, and very specific agreements. We’re going to do what we are (inaudible), and with that basis we want to have a co-responsibility that is effective for both countries.

Another important thing — it’s the Shield of the Americas. We’re already operational. Colombia is going to fulfill its responsibilities. We’re going to have the site in Medellín, and we’re going to do whatever it takes to be able to attack and to be able to give them the place that they deserve, which is either a prison or a tomb. And I say it: If a criminal doesn’t — if a criminal doesn’t follow the law, he is not going to get it his way.

And we also talked about Venezuela because we share more than 2,000 kilometers of borders with the neighboring country, and everything that happens in Venezuela has a direct consequence in Colombia regarding security, migration, smuggling, armed groups, and also energy. Colombia will participate along with the United States in a very responsible manner in the focused efforts to be able to ensure regional stability and will delve on trans-border cooperation, migration, and security. Our interest, Mr. Secretary of State, it’s that we each have institutionality, stability, and also security. We want to avoid any type of issue.

Another very important point that I mentioned to Mr. Secretary, it’s our foreign policy is based on a main policy. It’s that Colombia relates with the world from its own national interests. It has sovereignty, autonomy, pragmatism, and also a long-term vision, and this is where we’re perfectly tuned with the United States. We have now resources, geographic positions, human talent, and also very strategic assets. Our diplomacy needs to turn those strengths in opportunities to be able to become the best partners of the US. And we’re going to do it, Mr. Secretary, because this is a new rebirth.

Another very important topic, it’s migration and the rule of law. We agreed to delve on migration — more migration cooperation, exchange of information, biometric tools, identifying of the people (inaudible) to struggle against the migrants’ networks, and also the strengthening of border controls. Our idea, it’s that legal migration and — legal, safe, and organized migration, because our principle, it’s the same one that the United States shared. We’re not against migration. We’re against illegal migration, which is something different.

And there is a topic that it’s very close to my heart, and I said, Mr. Secretary, you know that many years ago we had — we had a consulate. And I said, hey, as the son of this region, I said if you can please open a consular office in Barranquilla, the alternate capital city of Colombia. And we are — we want a venue. We would like to consider it if possible, Mr. Secretary, because it’s been something that we’ve expected for years. First we had a consular office in Barranquilla, and then they took — and they removed the one from Barranquilla. The idea, it’s to go back to things as were before, and we hope to have here in Barranquilla the American consular office.

And once again, a topic that it’s also close to my heart, it’s cooperation to follow the path of the money. We would like to see what’s money laundering resources that come from resources and hidden assets, strengthening judicial cooperation and financial cooperation. All of this, it’s going to be under the evidence of the framework of law, due process, and the respect for institutions, because to catch criminals, it’s not enough. We also need to strike the money that supports those financial structures. We need to affect the pocket of the criminals because it will hurt them.

This was a very deep, cordial, strategic conversation. Not only are we talking about the United States can do for Colombia, we also talked about what Colombia and the United States can do together for the hemisphere, because Colombia contributes a geographic position, strategic resources, productive capability, human talent, a very experienced armed forces, and a government that is committed. And we would — wanted this — this new stage to start here in Barranquilla, in the Colombian Caribbean, and in the region. The Barranquilla agreements need to turn into projects, investments, and cooperation.

In the security and also specific outcomes, we need to rebuild the homeland. We need to recover the economy. We need to protect the hemisphere. As of now, our teams will start to work to turn those expectations, those desires, those projects, and realities. May God bless the United States of America. May God bless Colombia today more than ever. Thank you. (Applause.)

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you so much, Mr. President. Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary of State. We — in this way, we are fulfilling the agenda of Mr. Marco Rubio to the city of Barranquilla. Thank you so much.

Headline photo: US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Colombian President Abelardo De La Espriella and Foreign Minister Omar Bula Escobar at the signing ceremony in Barranquilla on September 8, 2026. (Photo courtesy Presidencia de Colombia via YouTube)

De la Espriella confirmed the appointment Monday, August 17, after the US government granted diplomatic approval for Araújo’s nomination.

“I have just been notified by the US Embassy in Colombia that approval has been granted for the person I nominated as Colombia’s ambassador to the United States. I am pleased to inform the country that my good friend, someone I have trusted and held dear for many years, will be the new Colombian ambassador to the United States: María Consuelo Araújo Castro,” De la Espriella said in a message posted on social media.

Araújo will take on one of the main foreign policies challenges De la Espriella has emphasized since his presidential campaign: strengthening relations with the United States following tensions under the previous government and coordinating economic, trade and security matters with President Donald Trump’s administration.

A relationship De la Espriella seeks to strengthen

The rapprochement between the two governments began during the first days of Colombia’s new administration.

On August 8, one day after De la Espriella took office, the US government announced plans to provide a $1 billion aid package to Colombia, which still requires approval from the US Congress. That came in addition to $15.5 million offered by the State Department for emergency shelter, food and protection for victims of the magnitude 7.4 earthquake that struck August 10.

Read “United States Pledges $1 Billion in Security Assistance to Colombia’s New de la Espriella Government.”

Security cooperation is also playing a central role in the renewed bilateral relationship. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced Wednesday, August 12, that the Colombian government had authorized joint military operations to combat narcoterrorism, which would make Colombia the fourth country in the region to give the green light to operations involving US forces.

Colombia also joined the Shield of the Americas (Escudo de las Américas) initiative, which brings together right-wing governments in the region to confront threats including terrorism, drug trafficking and transnational organized crime.

On the economic front, De la Espriella said he had already held a roughly 10-minute phone call with Trump.

“I deeply thanked him for all the economic assistance and the support of US rescue teams in the face of the tragedy we are experiencing. President Trump also expressed his condolences for the victims of the earthquake and his solidarity with the Colombian families affected. I told him that we have an enormous challenge ahead: rebuilding Colombia amid the very difficult and apocalyptic economic situation I inherited,” De la Espriella said on X.

The Colombian president also said he used the conversation to raise one of the main outstanding trade issues between the two countries.

“I also asked him to consider temporarily suspending the high tariffs affecting Colombian products in order to provide relief to our businesses, which are facing very difficult circumstances because of the effects of the earthquake,” he added.

Araújo will therefore arrive in Washington with talks between the two governments already underway and with reducing or suspending US tariffs on Colombian products among the key issues on her agenda.

A former foreign minister returns to diplomacy despite family ties to paramilitary scandals

Araújo has an extensive career in the public sector and comes from a political family in the northern Colombian department of Cesar, with longstanding ties to the Partido Liberal, one of Colombia’s traditional political parties and now part of De la Espriella’s governing coalition.

According to her professional profile, she studied finance and international relations at Universidad Externado de Colombia and completed postgraduate studies in government, management and public affairs at Columbia University in New York.

During former President Álvaro Uribe’s administration, she served as culture minister from 2002 to 2006 and later became foreign minister during his second term.

Araújo resigned as foreign minister in 2007 amid the “parapolitics” scandal, which involved members of her family. Her brother, former Partido Liberal congressman Álvaro Araújo Castro, and her cousin Hernando Molina Araújo, a former governor of Cesar, were convicted. Her father, Álvaro Araújo Noguera, also faced criminal proceedings over an alleged kidnapping, although the case was later closed and he was released.

The new ambassador has also held several positions in Bogotá’s city government, including director of the Instituto Distrital de Recreación y Deporte (IDRD), head of the Secretaría Distrital de Integración Social and general manager of TransMilenio, the capital’s public transportation system, during the administration of then-Mayor Enrique Peñalosa.

In 2026, she became executive president of the Cámara Colombiana de la Infraestructura (CCI), a position she held until her appointment as ambassador to the United States.

Her arrival in Washington marks a return to the forefront of Colombian foreign policy nearly two decades after her tenure as foreign minister. Araújo will assume the diplomatic post as the new government seeks to rapidly deepen ties with the Trump administration, expand cooperation on security and economic assistance and, at the same time, secure trade relief for Colombian exports affected by US tariffs.

Three days after the ceremony, a magnitude 7.4 earthquake hit western Colombia and rewrote the agenda entirely. The inheritance came first, though, and it is the reason he is president at all.

The numbers that elected him

The Centro de Paz y Seguridad (Center for Peace and Security) at Universidad Externado counted 40,663 homicides in Colombia between August 2022 and August 2025 — Gustavo Petro’s first three years in office — an annual average of 13,554. Over the equivalent stretch under Iván Duque, the figure was 37,795, averaging 12,598 a year, and under Juan Manuel Santos it was 36,646, averaging 12,215. El Tiempo published the center’s findings in December 2025.

Under Paz Total (Total Peace), the policy that opened simultaneous negotiations with practically every armed and criminal structure in the country, those structures grew. Infobae reported a military intelligence count showing membership rising from 15,120 in December 2022 to 25,278 by July 2025, an increase of 10,158, concentrated in the Nariño Pacific, Catatumbo, Cauca, Bajo Cauca Antioqueño and Arauca — zones, in Infobae’s words, of weak institutional presence. The Fundación Ideas para la Paz (Ideas for Peace Foundation), working from the same count, puts 48 percent of that total under arms and the remaining 52 percent in support networks. By July 2026 the figure had reached 28,802, a 90 percent increase across the Petro years, according to El Colombiano. That is not an interpretation of the policy; it is the count.

The sharpest version of that failure, for a business, is extortion. Ministry of Defense data reviewed by La FM shows 2,914 extortion complaints filed in the first three months of 2026, the highest quarterly figure in 10 years. Gen. William Rincón, director of the National Police, told La FM that more complaints do not automatically mean more crimes, and put the year-over-year increase at 13.1 percent for the same period. La FM identifies merchants, shopkeepers, cattlemen and small business owners as the standing victims of that economy.

A mandate Medellín paid for

De la Espriella won the June 21, 2026, runoff with 12,959,542 votes against 12,708,712 for Iván Cepeda — a margin of 250,830 votes, which El Tiempo put at 0.96 percentage points of all ballots cast, blank and null included, in the Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (National Civil Registry) preliminary count. MercoPress called it the narrowest margin in a Colombian runoff in 32 years. In the same El Tiempo breakdown, Medellín gave him 819,285 votes against 421,839 for Cepeda — a net margin of about 397,000, larger than the entire national margin, out of a single metropolitan area. Bogotá went the other way, 2,235,514 to 1,933,243. World Population Review puts Bogotá at roughly 7.9 million against 2.5 million for Medellín, so the smaller city delivered the decisive block. Take Medellín out of the arithmetic and Abelardo de la Espriella is not the president of Colombia.

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That is arithmetic, not commentary, and Medellín knows it. The city will expect a return, and an itemized one: the international airport expansion, highway concessions, hard security and continued support for the business climate that made it a destination for nearshoring and technology investment. That is the first political claim on the new government, and it arrives ahead of everything else in the program.

The inauguration was supposed to happen somewhere else. De la Espriella wanted to be sworn in at a military garrison in Popayán, and the Senate approved moving Congress to Cauca for it. Petro killed that on July 24, 2026: “I give no permission to any garrison or military establishment to make itself ready for the swearing-in of any official of the civil power in Colombia,” he said, in a statement carried by El Colombiano that extended to the Army, the Navy and the National Police. La Silla Vacía traced what followed: the House approved the switch to Cali 117 to 7 on July 28, the Senate followed on July 29 by 58 to 30 with 15 abstentions, and de la Espriella’s team cited volcanic activity around Popayán, whose Guillermo León Valencia airport had been shut more than a third of the preceding 20 days. Pacto Histórico (Historic Pact) lost its own blocking motion 114 to 6 and then announced it would not attend the ceremony at all. Per MercoPress, Congress convened at Universidad Santiago de Cali’s arena, Senate President Honorio Henríquez placed the presidential sash on him, and de la Espriella then moved to the Pichincha Battalion, where he spoke to armed forces and police commanders for more than an hour. The same report lists King Felipe VI of Spain among the attendees, along with Javier Milei of Argentina, Daniel Noboa of Ecuador, Santiago Peña of Paraguay and José Raúl Mulino of Panama, with José Antonio Kast of Chile there for bilateral meetings on the sidelines, and records Cepeda ending the day by announcing a shadow cabinet.

Worth noting, because it complicates the symbolism: Cali voted against him, 682,166 to 443,047, and so did Barranquilla, 375,178 to 309,652 — the city he wants recognized as an alternate capital. That designation is not ordinary legislation. Infobae laid out the route: Article 322 of the Constitution makes Bogotá the sole capital and Capital District, so recognizing Barranquilla requires an acto legislativo (constitutional amendment) — eight debates across two rounds, against the four an ordinary law needs. “The forgetting is over, the neglect is over, the centralist abandonment is over,” de la Espriella said in announcing it, per Semana. He has cast it as a break with Rafael Núñez: “A hundred and forty years ago Colombia did not have a president from the Caribbean. The last was President Núñez. But I am not going to make Núñez’s mistake. I am not going to defend the centralism that President Núñez defended. I am going to defend decentralization,” he said, in remarks reported by Infobae. The physical seat is already going up: El Heraldo reported that the Army’s Second Brigade at the Batallón Paraíso will house it, with the Atlántico governor’s office under Eduardo Verano executing the works. El Tiempo counts three regional seats in all: Barranquilla, plus the Centro Cultural de Cali, offered by Mayor Alejandro Eder and plaqued as an alternate presidential seat, and Medellín’s Palacio de la Cultura Rafael Uribe Uribe. In Bogotá itself the presidency moves to the Palacio de San Carlos, which currently houses the Foreign Ministry, while the Casa de Nariño becomes a museum open to the public.

His diagnosis is sound, and the problem is older than any of us: power in Colombia has been concentrated in the capital since independence, and the coast, the Pacific, the plains and the south have paid for it. Whether this becomes an actual redistribution of investment and institutional capacity, or a series of well-photographed ceremonies in cities that did not vote for him, will take a year or more to read.

A mandate without a legislature

The Consejo Nacional Electoral (National Electoral Council) granted legal status to de la Espriella’s Defensores de la Patria (Defenders of the Homeland) on August 3, 2026 — six magistrates in favor, one against and two absent — on the strength of the 12,960,166 votes certified to the ticket in the final scrutiny — 624 more than the preliminary count above — or 49.66 percent, nearly 14 times the 3 percent threshold the law requires, as Infobae reported. He was inaugurated four days later. The party holds no seats in either chamber; Infobae puts its first electoral outing at the regional elections of October 2027, and the next congressional cycle is March 2030.

The Congress he has to work with was elected on March 8, 2026, and seated on July 20, 2026. El País of Cali reported Pacto Histórico rising from the 20 Senate seats it won in 2022 to 25, and Centro Democrático (Democratic Center) from 13 to 17. In the House, La República counted 183 seats, with Pacto Histórico again the largest bloc at 41, Centro Democrático second at 30 and the Partido Liberal (Liberal Party) at 24, one Cundinamarca seat still disputed. The largest single bloc in both chambers belongs to the coalition he just defeated.

That matters more than the usual first-100-days handicapping, because the marquee items all need a legislature. Abolishing the Instituto Nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario (National Penitentiary and Prison Institute), or INPEC, would require statutory change and a redefinition of the state’s role in prison administration. The alternate capital requires a constitutional amendment. So would eliminating the Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (Special Jurisdiction for Peace), or JEP, a tribunal created by constitutional amendment under the 2016 peace accord. What a president can do alone is issue decrees and direct the security forces, and that is what week one consisted of.

The traditional right cannot rescue him, because it is coming apart at exactly the moment he needs it. Centro Democrático’s candidate, Paloma Valencia, won the right-wing inter-party consultation in March 2026 with more than 3 million votes and had been polling near 20 percent going into the May 31, 2026, first round. A Guarumo poll published by El Tiempo had her at 19.9 percent in March 2026, up from 6.9 percent in January. She finished the May 31 first round with 1,639,668 votes, 6.92 percent, behind de la Espriella’s 43.74 percent and Cepeda’s 40.90 percent, per El Espectador’s tally of the Registraduría count — ending roughly where she had started the year. A party founded in 2013 to be the wall against the Colombian left finished third, behind both the man who beat it and the left coalition it exists to stop.

María Fernanda Cabal left the party in January 2026 along with her husband, José Félix Lafaurie, who heads the Federación Colombiana de Ganaderos (Colombian Federation of Cattle Ranchers), telling Infobae that the internal process which selected Valencia over her was irregular. In August 2026, she went further and filed for an escisión (a formal legal split) of the party. “No party can survive when it renounces the ideas that gave it origin,” she wrote, in remarks also carried by Infobae. Valencia, for her part, told a meeting in Antioquia that “we have to understand very clearly what party we are in. This is not a right-wing party.”

Álvaro Uribe’s own legal position complicates the popular version of this story. Judge Sandra Liliana Heredia sentenced him on August 1, 2025, to 12 years of house detention and a fine of $3.444 billion COP for procedural fraud and bribery in a criminal proceeding, the first former Colombian president convicted by the ordinary courts after waiving his congressional privilege in 2020. “The damage was colossal,” she said, as El Espectador reported. The Tribunal Superior de Bogotá (Bogotá Superior Court) acquitted him on October 21, 2025, finding he had committed neither offense. Infobae reported that the court held the interceptions of Uribe’s calls with his attorney Diego Cadena to be illegal and threw them out, and found contradictions and personal motives in the accounts of the former paramilitaries whose testimony carried the case. The Fiscalía General de la Nación (Attorney General’s Office) and the accredited victims filed cassation appeals with the Corte Suprema de Justicia (Supreme Court of Justice) on January 13, 2026, as Infobae reported, and Infobae also reported the court halting the proceeding in February 2026 over a recusal motion against one of its magistrates. Convicted, then un-convicted, with the final word still pending.

Regardless of how that ends, the political cost has landed. Centro Democrático was built around Uribe’s personal ability to anoint a candidate and deliver the votes behind them, and the legal fight, his age and the unpopularity of the Duque administration have drained that ability. The loyalists still worship the man, but his base is aging along with him and that circle is visibly shrinking. Younger conservatives who were not around to admire his successes against the guerrillas went a different direction this cycle, in some respects further right than Uribe and his movement.

“The peace commissioner’s office is finished, because there will be no more false peace processes in my government.” — Abelardo de la Espriella, president of Colombia

The program, and what it will cost

On his first day, de la Espriella signed the decree creating the Bloque de Defensa para la Seguridad Urbana (Urban Security Defense Block), which he had announced on July 5, 2026, while convening the mayors of Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla and Bucaramanga. “To issue effective measures matched to the needs of the worst-affected cities, I am convening the mayors of Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla and Bucaramanga so that, starting from their needs, we can create the largest urban security operation in Colombia,” he said, in remarks reported by El Tiempo. Bogotá Mayor Carlos Galán backed it in the same account: “the country needs to redefine its criminal policy. Far from rewarding criminal gangs, we must punish them. Anyone who commits a violent crime or reoffends in criminal conduct that harms the lives of others belongs in prison, not on the streets.” Medellín Mayor Federico Gutiérrez answered, in a post carried by El Heraldo, “We are ready, President Abelardo de la Espriella… The only ones who should feel afraid are the criminals.” His inauguration address added a tax reform aimed at evasion, elimination of the wealth tax, publication of an official list of narco-terrorist organizations, coca eradication and financial inclusion for informal workers, according to MercoPress.

The centerpiece of the longer program is a set of maximum-security megacárceles (mega-prisons) modeled on the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT, built by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele. Speaking to Caracol Radio in March 2026, in an interview Infobae wrote up, he described “ten mega-prisons in the middle of nowhere, where not even the signal of the Holy Cross gets in,” to be built with private capital in exchange for concessions of “fifty, seventy, eighty years, whatever it takes,” and confirmed the Bukele model when asked directly. On INPEC he was blunter: “INPEC is a cancer for Colombian justice and for Colombian society. It has to be taken out.” The number is not settled — El Tiempo’s summary of his 10 governing pillars put it at seven. A senior Salvadoran government official said Bukele’s administration is willing to advise Colombia on the build, in an interview with Semana reported by Chicanoticias. Medellín is not waiting: Gutiérrez has announced a high-security facility for more than 1,300 inmates, financed with public and private funds, guarded by its own dedicated force rather than INPEC officers, and expected to open in 2027, according to AFP reporting carried by France 24.

The baseline is genuinely bad. A Contraloría (Comptroller General) review running to 306 findings, reported by El Tiempo, puts overcrowding at 27.1 percent at the close of March 2026, against 19.9 percent in February 2022. Installed capacity rose by 378 beds in four years, from 80,647 to 81,025, while the inmate population grew by 6,246, from 96,703 to 102,949. El Tiempo puts the guard shortfall at up to 12,000, even as the custody corps itself grew from 12,715 to 14,142 officers. The economics are the harder problem. La Nación of Neiva estimates each facility at more than $1 trillion COP and three to four years to build, and cites the Universidad de los Andes security and drugs research center noting that five earlier national planning-council prison-infrastructure plans rarely executed more than 20 percent of their targets, while the combined budget of INPEC and the prison services agency USPEC went from $1.6 trillion COP to more than $4 trillion COP between 2015 and 2025 without improving recidivism.

Colombia does not bring a strong balance sheet to that negotiation. The Finance Ministry’s own investor relations office lists S&P Global Ratings at BB- in foreign currency with a stable outlook as of April 2026, Fitch Ratings at BB stable as of December 2025, and Moody’s Ratings at Baa3 stable as of June 2025 — two of the three agencies below investment grade, with Moody’s alone still holding the sovereign at its lowest investment-grade notch. The April cut was Colombia’s fourth on S&P’s scale since 2020, El Espectador reported, quoting José Ignacio López of the financial research institute ANIF that the country “keeps moving away from investment grade.” A government proposing a mega-prison program on that scale, a national urban security surge and the elimination of the wealth tax, from that starting point, will be judged on sequencing rather than on ambition.

Then the ground moved

At 7:34 a.m. on Monday, August 10, 2026, a magnitude 7.4 earthquake struck western Colombia, centered on San José del Palmar in Chocó, a community of 4,800 people about 400 kilometers west of Bogotá. Al Jazeera, reporting with AP and Reuters, sourced the epicenter to the United States Geological Survey and put the toll at 250 dead or more by August 11, with more than 2,700 people reported missing on citizen-run websites and about 1,600 buildings damaged or destroyed. Several upper floors of Cali’s Hospital Universitario del Valle collapsed, including pediatric wards, with roughly 600 patients treated in a street full of rubble; hospital director Irne Torres Castro described the scene to Caracol television. The same report cites the Servicio Geológico Colombiano (Colombian Geological Service) recording 21 aftershocks by late Monday, and quotes Camila Gómez, deputy director of programs for Colombia and Venezuela at the International Rescue Committee, calling it the largest earthquake Colombia has experienced in two decades.

Imágenes desgarradoras del terremoto en Pereira muestra como se les viene encima la casita a esta familia. Pensando más en lo material que en sus vidas, pero nadie sabe cuánto costó conseguirlo. #terremoto #temblor pic.twitter.com/i7gqeZmy5B

— Don Ramon (@RuedaJohnn37191) August 15, 2026

Per that same account, de la Espriella declared a national state of emergency, mobilized what he called “the entire military and police apparatus,” traveled to Quibdó and to Cali, and promised rental subsidies for people whose homes were damaged. Curfews went up in Cali, Armenia and Manizales; hospitals in five cities went to red alert; airports at Pereira, Manizales, Quibdó, Armenia, Cartago and Buenaventura suspended operations for structural inspection. “Chocó will never again be the land of the forgotten,” he said in Quibdó. MercoPress reported his appointment of geological engineer David Suárez Tamayo to head the Unidad Nacional para la Gestión del Riesgo de Desastres (National Disaster Risk Management Unit).

That Quibdó sentence is the decentralization argument, delivered under conditions nobody would have chosen. Counting the departments behind the cities named above — Chocó, Valle del Cauca, Risaralda, Quindío and Caldas — the quake hit the exact periphery the alternate-capital project is nominally about, and it hit the department where he had been sworn in three days earlier. It is also the first hard test of a government whose organizing promise is that the state can show up where it never has. On the early evidence, the machinery is being learned in real time. Colombia requested supplies but not foreign rescue personnel, despite offers from at least six countries, issuing a diplomatic note on August 11, 2026, that MercoPress noted does not formally amount to an international appeal. The same report has Bukele making Colombia’s position public before Bogotá did, and quotes international relations scholar Sandra Borda saying “the government is learning on the go how the mechanism works,” and that cities cannot channel aid directly. The posture shifted within days. By August 15, in the same El Tiempo report that carried his call with Trump, the Unidad Nacional para la Gestión del Riesgo de Desastres (National Disaster Risk Management Unit), or UNGRD, had begun formalizing requests for specialized teams from the United States, El Salvador, Ecuador and Israel, and de la Espriella had thanked Benjamin Netanyahu by telephone for the Israeli search-and-rescue crews.

🔴Se conocen impactantes imágenes del momento exacto en el que colapsó una edificación en la entrada del Centro del Comercio, en la ciudad de Pereira, durante el terremoto de 7,4 que se registró en Colombia el pasado 10 de agosto.

Las grabaciones muestran la caída de fragmentos… pic.twitter.com/oNZGvdbCJC

— EL TIEMPO (@ELTIEMPO) August 14, 2026

For the fiscal picture above, the quake is not a footnote. Reconstruction across those five departments now competes directly with prison concessions and an urban security surge for the same constrained peso. That belongs in any risk model built on the strength of the new security program.

Washington promises a billion dollars, and raises the tariff

The external position moved faster than anything domestic. On inauguration day, the US State Department released a statement titled “A New Era in US-Colombia Relations”, announcing that Washington, in coordination with Congress, intends to provide $1 billion USD as part of a security package supporting the new administration. El Tiempo noted the money is not approved: the statement says only that Washington will work with Congress to assemble it. The reversal it implies is still steep. US assistance to Colombia, which once ran at about $400 million USD a year, fell to roughly $187 million USD during the first year of Trump’s second term, according to a report to the US Congress cited by Infobae — a cut made in Washington, not in Bogotá, during a period of open dispute over drug policy. In 2025, the United States declined to certify Colombia’s counternarcotics performance for the first time since 1997, with a national-interest waiver that withheld the harshest consequences.

MercoPress reported that acting Attorney General Todd Blanche led the US delegation to the inauguration, with Office of National Drug Control Policy director Sara Carter and the vice president’s national security adviser, Cliff Sims; Donald Trump, JD Vance and Marco Rubio did not travel. The same State Department statement folded Colombia into Escudo de las Américas (Shield of the Americas), a regional security initiative backed by the Trump administration. De la Espriella had already placed its Colombian seat in Medellín, announcing on July 22, 2026, that the headquarters would go there “because this is where the head of the serpent of drug trafficking and organized crime is,” in remarks reported by Portafolio — a strategic choice, and also a second payment on the electoral debt described earlier.

Five days after the inauguration that relationship acquired a considerably harder edge. At an Escudo de las Américas meeting in Panama on August 12, 2026, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the new Colombian government had asked Washington to join its fight against narcoterrorism, “authorizing joint military operations to destroy the terrorists and the terror networks,” and named Colombia the 19th member of the Coalition Against the Cartels of the Americas. El Universal of Cartagena reported the announcement, and Vanguardia and El Tiempo both described what was authorized as joint military operations inside Colombia. That is a different proposition from an assistance package. Aid is a budget line Washington can adjust; foreign forces operating alongside Colombian ones inside Colombia is a sovereignty question, and it was settled in the first week of a presidency that commands no bloc in Congress. Whether that arrangement stays executive or ends up before the legislature is among the most consequential open questions he leaves himself.

The billion-dollar headline needs one piece of context that did not make the statement. CBS News reported that at the end of July 2026, roughly a week before the “new era” release, the United States raised its general tariff on Colombian imports from 10 percent to 12.5 percent, with exceptions including coffee and oil. After the earthquake, de la Espriella’s first substantive ask of Trump was to undo it. He told El Tiempo that the 10-minute call was “very friendly and cordial,” that he had asked Trump to consider a temporary suspension “to relieve our businesspeople, who are facing very difficult times because of the effects of the earthquake,” and that he had described the task ahead as rebuilding Colombia “in the middle of the economic situation — so difficult, so apocalyptic — that I inherited.” CBS News put the accompanying US assistance at $26.5 million USD, up from the $15.5 million USD announced on the day of the quake.

In his victory speech in Barranquilla, covered at the time by Finance Colombia, he framed the shift as Colombia returning to its place among the free nations, as a serious partner and a loyal ally rather than a dependent one. A relationship in which the ally sets your tariff rate and you ask for relief by telephone is a workable relationship. Whether it stays reciprocal, or curdles into dependency on whichever administration holds the White House, is a fair question over four years, and it is worth asking no matter who is in Washington.

Troublesome tendencies in Abelardo’s background

Between 2008 and 2019, de la Espriella filed 109 criminal complaints for defamation and slander against journalists, reporters and other citizens, according to Fiscalía figures provided to the Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa (Foundation for Press Freedom), or FLIP. Most were archived, withdrawn or went nowhere, which is precisely FLIP’s point about them: the organization argues that the effect of repeated recourse to lawsuits, injunctions, rectification demands and platform complaints is measured not in convictions but in legal costs, attrition and self-censorship.

Ahead of the runoff, FLIP and the International Federation for Human Rights issued a joint statement describing a pattern of attacks against the press, and FLIP’s own June 18, 2026, statement characterized it as “public disparagement, accusations of alleged political agendas, judicial harassment of journalists, baseless challenges to editorial independence, and actions aimed at undermining journalism on matters of public interest related to his candidacy.” The same LatAm Journalism Review summary records de la Espriella’s answer, that it is necessary to “set limits on journalists who believe they are untouchable.” He now says that with the machinery of the state behind him rather than a private lawyer’s caseload. Whether he has matured on this point, or simply acquired better tools, is one of the first real tests of the term.

In July 2026, he announced the closure of the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace along with the presidential offices for National Reconciliation and for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, folding their functions into the Interior, Foreign Affairs and Defense ministries on the argument that those competencies already sit there and the offices duplicate them. “The peace commissioner’s office is finished, because there will be no more false peace processes in my government,” he said, as El Tiempo reported. The Unit for Implementation of the Final Agreement goes with them, its responsibilities passing to a new National Security Commissioner — the postconflict brief absorbed into a security structure. Infobae put the scope at 229 positions cut from the Presidency as of August 7, 2026, for a projected annual saving of $10 billion COP. Winding down a negotiating strategy that failed on the numbers above is a defensible decision. El Tiempo’s reading of the rest is the part worth sitting with: the move dismantles the two offices that tracked state human rights policy and compliance with Colombia’s international commitments, and leaves those subjects with no unit reporting directly to the president.

The prison model carries the same risk in another form. The attraction of Bukele’s system, in de la Espriella’s own telling, is the collapse in gang violence that followed it. What it also produced is documented: Amnesty International found that four years into El Salvador’s state of emergency more than 90,000 people had been detained and at least 470 had died in state custody, in a report titled «Seguridad» sin derechos (“Security” Without Rights) built on six documentation visits between May 2022 and January 2025, 109 interviews and direct examination of more than 80 individual cases. The organization argues the pattern could amount to crimes against humanity. Whether Colombia’s version imports the first result without the second is unknown, because the program does not exist yet. It belongs near the top of the watch list for the coming year, and not only on financial grounds.

What to watch

In the Barranquilla victory speech quoted earlier, de la Espriella struck a different note than his record suggests: no victors and no vanquished, no retaliation, no persecution, rights respected even for those who did not vote for him. With a margin under 1 percentage point, a party four days old at inauguration and no bloc in Congress, that posture is arithmetic before it is generosity. It is also the only version of this presidency with a chance of surviving past a single term.

The collapse documented here fell hardest on low-income Colombians in the cities and the countryside — the people without private security, who cannot simply avoid a dangerous neighborhood. If the crackdown that began under the urban security decree goes after the armed structures themselves rather than the poorest people living next to them, the homicide and extortion trends can reverse. If it does not, the country trades one set of victims for another and buys a human rights problem on top of a security problem.

Five markers will tell the story faster than any speech. Whether quarterly extortion and homicide figures move, and in which municipalities. Whether financing for the prison program appears as an actual budget line rather than a concession announcement, now that reconstruction has a prior claim on it. Whether the Corte Suprema rules on Uribe, and what that does to what is left of Centro Democrático. Whether the alternate-capital amendment survives even the first of its eight debates. And whether any rating agency moves an outlook on the strength of the new fiscal posture, or against it on the cost of the quake.

The armed groups tested every recent transition in Colombia early, and there is no reason to expect this one to be different. The FARC dissident structures and the National Liberation Army, or ELN, will test the response, and the way this administration answers that first test — in Cauca, in Catatumbo, in the Bajo Cauca — will tell you more about the next four years than the first 100 days of decrees.

As Abelardo de la Espriella took the oath of office as Colombia’s president on August 7, the US Department of State announced that Washington intends to provide $1 billion USD in security assistance to his new government, capping a stunning reversal in a bilateral relationship that a year earlier had produced sanctions against a sitting Colombian president, a revoked visa, and a call from the presidential palace for American soldiers to disobey their commander-in-chief.

A US Presidential Delegation led by Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche represented the United States at de la Espriella’s August 7 inauguration in Cali, a city in Colombia’s conflict-scarred southwest that hosted the ceremony instead of the traditional venue in Bogotá. In a statement titled “A New Era in U.S.-Colombia Relations,” the State Department said the delegation “demonstrates US commitment to reinvigorating the US-Colombia relationship and deepening of our shared security and economic partnership,” and that the $1 billion package is intended “as a cornerstone of this renewed partnership.”

A delegation built around security and counternarcotics

Secretary of State Marco Rubio did not travel to Cali, but the delegation Washington sent was heavy with counternarcotics and security officials, according to ColombiaOne and Local 10 News. Alongside Blanche, the group included Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Administrator Terry Cole; US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida; Sara Carter, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy; Hugo Guevara of the US Embassy in Bogotá; Cliff Sims, national security adviser to Vice President JD Vance; Viviana Bovo of the State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs; Joseph M. Humire, deputy assistant secretary of war for Americas security affairs; and Chris Jarvis of Joint Task Force Vulcan, which targets transnational criminal organizations.

“Yesterday was the start of a new friendship and partnership working as a team in the fight against drug trafficking and furthering our relationship in countering threats to our national security and public safety,” Blanche wrote in a statement carried by Local 10 News.

Cole struck a similarly pointed tone. “DEA is ready to stand shoulder to shoulder with Colombia again,” he said in a statement cited by Local 10 News. “We will hunt down those who profit from cocaine, corruption, violence, and terror. There will be no safe haven, no protected trafficking route, and no immunity for those who poison our communities.”

The turnaround stands in sharp contrast to where the relationship stood barely 10 months earlier. On October 24, 2025, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) added outgoing President Gustavo Petro to its Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List — known in Colombia as the Lista Clinton (Clinton List), after the 1995 executive order that created it — under Executive Order 14059, which targets foreign persons involved in the global illicit drug trade. OFAC simultaneously designated Petro’s wife, Verónica Alcocer; his son, Nicolás Petro; and his interior minister, Armando Benedetti, according to a Federal Register notice of the action and Finance Colombia’s own reporting at the time. It marked the first time OFAC had designated a sitting, democratically elected head of state of a country long considered a close US ally.

The sanctions followed a September 15, 2025, presidential determination naming Colombia a “major drug transit country or major illicit drug producing country” that had “failed demonstrably” to meet its counternarcotics obligations — the first time Colombia had been placed on that list in more than 25 years.

Relations deteriorated further that same September, when Petro, addressing a pro-Palestinian rally near the United Nations General Assembly in New York, told a crowd: “I ask all the soldiers of the United States’ army, don’t point your rifles against humanity,” and urged them to “disobey the orders of Trump.” The State Department revoked his visa within hours, saying on social media that Petro had “urged US soldiers to disobey orders and incite violence,” according to CBS News. Petro dismissed the punishment, writing on social media that “international law grants me immunity to go to the UN and that there should be no reprisals for my free opinion, because I am a free person,” and noting that as a dual Colombian-European citizen he did not need a US visa, according to Al Jazeera.

Tensions eased only gradually. Petro traveled to Washington for a meeting with President Trump on February 2, 2026, in what CNN described at the time as a shift “from clash to dialogue” after a year of confrontation. Petro remained on the SDN list, and was still lobbying for his own removal from it as late as early July 2026, when he asked Trump by phone to lift the designation on him and his family — a request Trump said he would look into, according to ColombiaOne.

An election fought over the US relationship

De la Espriella, a 48-year-old lawyer and political outsider known to supporters as “El Tigre,” defeated Historic Pact candidate Iván Cepeda in a June 21 runoff, a race Trump endorsed publicly. Petro initially alleged the vote had been manipulated, a claim dismissed by international observers and Colombia’s electoral authorities before he conceded, according to Al Jazeera. The run-up to the inauguration was marked by violence, including a truck bombing near a police station in Cúcuta on August 1 that wounded eight police officers and three civilians, six days before de la Espriella took office, according to Al Jazeera. No group claimed responsibility; dissident factions of the demobilized FARC, the National Liberation Army (ELN), and the Clan del Golfo criminal group are all active in the border region. Security was tightened further ahead of the ceremony itself, held under armored vehicles, soldiers, and vehicle checkpoints in Cali, according to Al Jazeera.

At his swearing-in, de la Espriella broke with Petro’s negotiated-peace strategy toward armed groups, declaring that “the option of dialogue is completely exhausted” and pledging to “relentlessly defeat narco-terrorism.” He also committed Colombia to joining the Shield of the Americas, the US-backed regional counter-cartel coalition that grew out of a March 2026 summit hosted by the Trump administration, and pledged to strengthen state-run Ecopetrol (NYSE: EC) and pursue “responsible and sustainable fracking” to shore up the country’s oil and gas reserves.

Security package now, economic dialogue to follow

Under the State Department’s framework, the $1 billion package — which still requires action by the US Congress — is aimed at strengthening Colombia’s security forces against Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Transnational Criminal Organizations, expanding coca eradication and cocaine interdiction, freezing and prosecuting the finances behind armed groups, tightening border-security coordination, and rebuilding state presence in territory once controlled by armed groups.

The State Department said the two governments will also launch a Bilateral Prosperity Dialogue aimed at stabilizing Colombia’s economy, strengthening its energy sector, and exploring critical mineral investment, alongside efforts to connect Colombian small and medium enterprises in agribusiness, manufacturing, and tech services to US buyers and supply chains. Washington also committed to contributing to relief funds for potential El Niño-related flooding and drought, to modernizing Colombia’s digital, port, and energy infrastructure, and to advancing bilateral cooperation on civil nuclear energy.

Congressional approval of the $1 billion security package remains the first test of whether Friday’s pledges translate into disbursed assistance — and of how durable the “new era” proves once the inauguration goodwill fades.