Colombia is heading toward the first round of presidential elections on May 31, 2026, with 13 candidates in the race, in a scenario marked by political fragmentation and a strong concentration of voter support among a few contenders.

The next president will take office on August 7, following the end of President Gustavo Petro’s term, marking the transition from the country’s first left-wing government in recent history.

According to pre-election polls, only five candidates exceed 2% in voter intention, leaving most with limited chances of reaching the presidential palace. Among the leading contenders are Iván Cepeda, the candidate of the ruling Pacto Histórico, who leads polls with between 35% and 43% support; right-wing candidate Abelardo de la Espriella, with between 16% and 24%; and Paloma Valencia of the Centro Democrático party, with between 14% and 21%.

A second group includes centrist candidates Claudia López, polling between 3% and 4%, and Sergio Fajardo, at around 2.5%, reflecting a fragmented vote within that political segment.

Vice presidential picks shape campaign strategies

As the campaign unfolds, candidates have selected their running partners as a key strategy to broaden their electoral appeal.

Iván Cepeda has chosen Aida Quilcué, an Indigenous Nasa leader from southwestern Colombia, reinforcing the campaign’s leftist profile and its emphasis on including historically marginalized communities in political decision-making.

Quilcué has served as a governor and Indigenous authority in her community and, like Cepeda, is a victim of Colombia’s armed conflict: her husband was killed by state agents in 2008. She has been affiliated with the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC) and the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC). She presents herself publicly as an Indigenous leader, human rights defender and senator (2022–2026), without reporting formal higher education credentials.

Abelardo de la Espriella has selected former Finance, and Commerce, Industry and Tourism Minister, Juan Manuel Restrepo, as his running mate, forming a ticket focused on security and economic strengthening. “That is a capability I have because I understand productivity, competitiveness and economic development,” Restrepo told La Silla Vacía during his registration.

Restrepo is an economist with a specialization in finance from Rosario University, a master’s degree in economics from the London School of Economics, a specialization in senior management from INALDE Business School, and a doctorate in higher education leadership from the University of Bath. He has also served as rector of three major universities in Colombia.

Juan Daniel Oviedo, a former Bogotá city councilor, is running alongside Paloma Valencia of the Centro Democrático party. As economist from Universidad del Rosario, Oviedo holds a master’s degree in mathematical economics and econometrics and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Toulouse in France.

He previously served as head of Colombia’s National Statistics Agency (DANE) during the Iván Duque administration and ran for mayor of Bogotá in 2023.

His vice presidential bid gained momentum after securing more than 1.2 million votes in the March 8 inter-party primary, finishing second. His selection aims to attract centrist and center-right voters and strengthen Valencia’s chances of advancing to a potential runoff.

However, his nomination has sparked controversy, as it marks the first time the right-wing party has chosen a candidate with liberal positions on issues such as women’s rights and LGBTQ+ rights.

Claudia López selected Leonardo Huerta, a university professor of law and philosophy, as her running mate. According to Spain’s El País, he comes from “a working middle-class family,” is the youngest of four siblings, and is married with two children.

Huerta is a lawyer from Universidad Libre and holds a degree in philosophy from the Technological University of Pereira. He has a master’s degree in administrative law and is a doctoral candidate in law. His public sector experience includes serving as education secretary in Pereira and as a deputy ombudsman for health issues during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.

Sergio Fajardo selected Edna Bonilla as his running mate, reinforcing a campaign centered on education and dialogue. Bonilla previously served as Bogotá’s education secretary during Claudia López’s administration (2020–2023).

She is a public accountant from the National University of Colombia, holds a tax specialization from Externado University and a doctorate in political studies. During the campaign launch, Fajardo said: “We will work together to deliver the serious and safe change Colombia needs. To move beyond polarization and build bridges instead of trenches.”

Voter participation

According to Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil, which oversees elections, a total of 41,421,973 citizens are eligible to vote in Colombia and abroad in the first round of the presidential election. Of these, 21,298,492 are women and 20,123,481 are men.

If no candidate secures more than 50% of the vote, a runoff election will be held on June 21, 2026, between the top two candidates.

The session included representatives from various companies, such as Pavco, Ingredion, and Bancolombia, alongside ethnic leaders who highlighted the importance of diversity, equity, and inclusion in business.

Luis Sevillano, director of the Ethnic Board Program of USAID and ACDI/VOCA, emphasized the economic impact of exclusion. “Understanding the cost of exclusion helps us recognize the economic implications for both the business sector and the country. This prompts a reflection: Isn’t it good business to capitalize on diversity and the opportunities that inclusion offers? Failing to do so could mean missing out on competitiveness,” said Sevillano.

Catalina Martínez, director of the ANDI Foundation, underscored the significance of the Advisory Board in fostering concrete actions. “This space is crucial for private sector representatives, encouraging them to highlight the importance of ethnic inclusion in business competitiveness and to share effective practices, inspiring others to join this initiative,” Martínez stated.

The project, titled Fostering the Inclusion of Ethnic Groups in Business Value Chains, is a collaboration between USAID’s Ethnic Board Program, ACDI/VOCA, and the ANDI Foundation. It seeks to raise awareness among companies and promote actions to adapt inclusion processes in value chains. The initiative is supported by nine partner organizations, including the Black Communities Process (PCN), National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC), and the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC).

The USAID and ACDI/VOCA Ethnic Board Program focuses on supporting the self-determined development of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities by strengthening institutional capacity and promoting ethnic organizations. It also aims to increase access to socio-economic opportunities and enhance respect for ethnic heritage and cultural diversity.

The ANDI Foundation, since 2014, has led the Inclusive Competitiveness Strategy, which positions the private sector as a key player in creating a business environment that is not only competitive but also equitable and inclusive. The strategy emphasizes the need to diversify suppliers, reflect societal diversity within corporate staff, and leverage various groups to distribute products effectively.

The project, titled Fostering the Inclusion of Ethnic Groups in Business Value Chains, is a collaboration between USAID’s Ethnic Board Program, ACDI/VOCA, and the ANDI Foundation.

As first reported by investigative reporters at “Cuestión Pública” (Public Question) while investigating the ÑeñePolitica vote-buying scandal that has ensnared the presidency of Ivan Duque and the Centro Democratico political party of his patrón (godfather) Alvaro Uribe, Colombia’s army has been caught creating an “enemies list” of individuals and entities that it has deemed “opposition.”

The actions of the Colombian Army are extremely grave and a demonstrable threat to human and civil rights in Colombia. When the army creates a clandestine “opposition” list of media & civil society groups, it recalls shadows of Pinochet, political torture and assassination. The gravity of this act cannot be overstated.

Above image – BONE-CHILLING: “National Army of Colombia has added you to its list ‘Opposition'” 

Ominously,few if any of these groups are political radicals or anti-military, rather anti-corruption civil society groups, mainstream media, and indigenous activists. The military operatives in control of the Colombian military’s Twitter account failed to realize that users’ twitter accounts were notified when they were added to the “Oposición” list created by the Colombian Army.

Once questioned, the operatives immediately deleted the Twitter list. This comes as the Colombian government headed by Ivan Duque is embroiled in multiple scandals, faces tiny public approval, and was just excoriated by the United Nations for human rights violations. Several of the journalists are hot on the trail of the #Ñeñepolitica vote buying scandal that ties massive political corruption and organized crime to the Centro Democratico political party of Alvaro Uribe and the presidential election of his hand-picked candidate Ivan Duque.

Several journalists have already denounced Colombia’s internal security organs for improperly surveilling and intimidating investigative journalists, as revelations seem to further entangle Uribe and Duque.

Though one could argue why the military might view the FARC and some of its top leaders as “opposition,” similar justification does not exist for several of the other groups included on the enemies list. Even the FARC has demobilized, laid down arms and is participating in the political system as agreed by the 2016 peace accords signed between them and then-President Juan Manuel Santos.

• Colombia2020, an initiative of mainstream newspaper El Espectador
• ANZORC “Asociación Nacional de Zonas de Reserva Campesina,” a rural civil group
• ASCAMCAT “Asociación Campesina del Catatumbo” a rural civil group in the violent Catatumbo región
• JEP—Jurisidiccion Especial para la Paz; the government entity set up to implement the historic peace accords signed by the previous administration
• José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director of Human Rights Watch
• Aída Avella, Colombian senator
• Gustavo Petro, Colombian senator
• Gustavo Bolívar, Colombian senator
• Iván Cépeda, Colombian senator
• Gustavo Gómez, reporter with Caracol Radio
• Ignacio Gómez, editor with Noticias Uno
• Salud Hernandez, journalist with Semana weekly magazine
• Vicky Dávila, journalist with Semana weekly magazine
• Contagio Radio
• CRIC indigenous advocacy group
• ONIC indigenous advocacy group

The list, before it was made to disappear, had 33 Twitter accounts and appeared to be still under construction, or in other words, was not complete.

#Atención Tras publicación de nuestros hilos investigativos sobre la #ÑeñePolítica, el Twitter oficial del Ejército colombiano @COL_EJERCITO incluyó nuestro medio @cuestion_p en una lista llamada #Oposición. Exigimos respuestas ante esta agresión que nos pone en riesgo. @FLIP_org pic.twitter.com/uaaLJW317v

— Cuestión Pública (@cuestion_p) March 10, 2020

Article 219 of the Colombian Constitution prohibits the military from political interference. Pedro Vaca, director of Colombian freedom of the press foundation FLIP demanded to know “Whoever is in charge of administering the @COL_EJERCITO should explain the criteria under which twitter accounts are added to the military “opposition” list.

Que una cuenta en redes de @COL_EJERCITO elabore lista de OPOSITORES con cuentas y nombres de periodistas es una muestra clara de que, en ocasiones como esta, a “Inteligencia Militar” le sobra una palabra. Pavoroso, ofensivo y peligroso. Que dirá @IvanDuque comandante en jefe…

— GustavoGómezCórdoba (@gusgomez1701) March 10, 2020