Ecopetrol S.A. (BVC: ECOPETROL; NYSE: EC) completed the acquisition of a controlling 51% stake in Brazilian oil and gas producer Brava Energia S.A. (B3: BRAV3) on August 18, 2026, closing a transaction the company said in a statement it valued at approximately $1.2 billion USD. The deal, carried out through Ecopetrol’s Brazilian subsidiary, Ecopetrol Investimentos do Brasil Ltda., gives Bogotá-based Ecopetrol control of a producer that reported 459 million barrels of oil equivalent (mmboe) in proved reserves as of December 31, 2025, and averaged 84,400 barrels of oil equivalent per day of production in June 2026.

The transaction closed through two mechanisms on Brazil’s B3 S.A. – Brasil, Bolsa, Balcão exchange. Ecopetrol’s subsidiary settled and paid for a voluntary tender offer, or Oferta Pública de Aquisição Voluntária (OPAV), that it had won at auction on August 5, 2026, acquiring 116,110,717 common shares of Brava — roughly 25% of the company’s outstanding capital — at $23.00 BRL (about $4.49 USD) per share. Separately, it completed a share purchase agreement signed April 23, 2026, with a group of Brava shareholders holding an additional 26% of the company’s stock. That private agreement had been contingent on the tender offer securing the first 25% stake, a condition the August 5, 2026, auction satisfied.

Ecopetrol disclosed in its August 5, 2026, auction-result announcement that it financed the purchase through an intercompany loan: Ecopetrol Capital AG, a Swiss subsidiary, extended the funds to Ecopetrol Investimentos do Brasil under a short-term bridge facility governed by New York law. The company said it intends to refinance the facility later through a combination of long-term debt and equity.

By Ecopetrol’s own accounting, the price implies approximately $8.4 USD per barrel of Brava’s proved (1P) reserves and $6.3 USD per barrel on a proved-plus-probable (2P) basis, which Brava reported at 605 mmboe as of December 31, 2025. On a production basis, the deal values Brava’s output at roughly $45,700 USD per barrel of daily production.

Brava, headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, was formed in September 2024 through the merger of two independent Brazilian producers, 3R Petroleum Óleo e Gás S.A. and Enauta Participações S.A. For the 12 months ended June 30, 2026, the company reported revenue of approximately $2.341 billion USD, EBITDA of approximately $1.05 billion USD, and net income of approximately $122.2 million USD, according to its unaudited financial disclosures. Brazil’s antitrust authority, the Conselho Administrativo de Defesa Econômica (CADE, the Administrative Council for Economic Defense), cleared the transaction without conditions in a decision that became final in mid-June 2026, according to Brazilian financial outlet InfoMoney.

Luis Felipe Henao, president of Ecopetrol’s board of directors, framed the acquisition as a way to diversify into a jurisdiction with more favorable tax treatment than Colombia. “I hope this will be a great deal for Ecopetrol. Brava adds very important reserves for Colombia, but there is something very important here: it consolidates a market Ecopetrol was already working in. Brazil has a better tax rate and better taxes than Colombia does, which is why returns can be higher in that country,” Henao told La República as the transaction neared its close.

The purchase adds to Ecopetrol’s existing exploration and production interests in the United States’ Permian Basin and Gulf of Mexico and in Mexico. Colombia’s national government owns roughly 88% of Ecopetrol; the remainder trades on the Colombian and New York exchanges.

The deal closed weeks into a leadership transition at Ecopetrol that coincided with Colombia’s own change of government: Abelardo de la Espriella was inaugurated president August 7, 2026, succeeding Gustavo Petro. Ricardo Roa Barragán, Ecopetrol’s former president, left the company July 30, 2026. Colombia’s Fiscalía General de la Nación (Attorney General’s Office) had charged Roa in March 2026 with influence trafficking over a Bogotá apartment purchase and filed a formal indictment on that charge in June 2026, according to Infobae; separately, prosecutors charged him in May 2026 with violating campaign-spending limits tied to Gustavo Petro’s 2022 presidential campaign, which Roa managed, according to a separate Infobae report. Roa has denied wrongdoing. Juan Carlos Hurtado Parra has served as Ecopetrol’s interim president since July 31, 2026, while the company’s board searches for a permanent successor.

Photo: Brava Energy (LinkedIn)

Ecopetrol S.A. (BVC: ECOPETROL; NYSE: EC) has successfully completed the Brazilian tender offer that will allow the Colombian energy company to take control of Brava Energia S.A. (B3: BRAV3), acquiring approximately 25% of the Brazilian oil and gas producer through an August 5 auction on the B3 exchange.

Ecopetrol’s Brazilian subsidiary, Ecopetrol Investimentos do Brasil Ltda., acquired 116,110,717 common shares at R$23 per share. The shares represent approximately 25% of Brava Energia’s issued and outstanding share capital. Ecopetrol said the auction attracted strong market demand and was completed after all applicable regulatory requirements and conditions precedent for the offer were satisfied.

“We expect to disclose the results of the OPAV together with any other material developments related to the transaction.” – Ecopetrol S.A.

The auction is the second major component of Ecopetrol’s plan to obtain a 51% controlling voting stake in Brava Energia. In April, Ecopetrol agreed to acquire approximately 26% of Brava from a group of significant shareholders through a separate share purchase agreement. Combining that transaction with the shares acquired through the OPAV is expected to give Ecopetrol approximately 51% of Brava’s voting share capital.

CVM suspension cleared the way for the auction

The successful auction follows a regulatory dispute that temporarily interrupted the transaction.

Brazil’s Comissão de Valores Mobiliários (CVM) suspended the tender offer on June 16 after its technical division identified issues requiring adjustments to the offer documentation. The suspension initially threatened the planned June 25 auction.

Ecopetrol and the offer’s intermediary institution appealed the decision. On July 14, the CVM’s Collegiate Board granted the appeal, reversing the basis for the suspension and allowing the offer process to proceed following the required amendments.

Ecopetrol subsequently published a revised offer document on July 20 incorporating the regulator’s recommendations and reopened the OPAV. The revised timetable established August 5 as the auction date and August 17 as the financial settlement date.

The transaction also cleared another important condition before the auction. Brazil’s competition authority, CADE, granted the relevant merger-control approval, which became final in June. The amended offer documentation also reflected waivers obtained from Brava’s debenture holders concerning the change of control.

Ecopetrol targets a larger Brazilian oil and gas position

The Brava transaction represents a bigger expansion of Ecopetrol’s position in Brazil, where the Colombian company has operated for approximately two decades.

Brava Energia was created in 2024 through the merger of 3R Petroleum Óleo e Gás and Enauta Participações. The company operates oil and natural gas assets across multiple Brazilian basins, including both offshore and onshore operations, as well as midstream activities. At the end of 2025, Brava reported approximately 459 million barrels of oil equivalent in reserves.

Ecopetrol said the acquisition is intended to strengthen its international exploration and production portfolio and diversify its reserve and production base. The company already holds Brazilian upstream interests, including a stake in the Gato do Mato development in the Santos Basin.

Settlement will complete the control transaction

Although the auction has been successfully completed, the transaction is not yet fully settled.

Ecopetrol said the OPAV shares will be paid for and settled on August 17, 2026. On the same date, the company expects to consummate the April share purchase agreement covering the approximately 26% stake held by the existing shareholder group, subject to completion of the remaining procedures required under the transaction agreements and applicable regulations.

Ecopetrol plans to initially finance the transaction through a short-term bridge facility arranged through Ecopetrol Capital AG. The company said it expects to refinance that facility through a combination of long-term debt and equity contributions, with the objective of maintaining a capital structure consistent with its leverage targets and credit ratings.

Once both components are completed, Ecopetrol is expected to hold approximately 51% of Brava Energia’s voting share capital, giving Colombia’s state-controlled energy company control of a major independent Brazilian oil and gas producer.

The successful August 5 auction therefore marks the key operational step in Ecopetrol’s planned takeover. The remaining milestone is financial settlement on August 17, after which the company expects the combined transactions to establish its controlling position in Brava Energia.

Headline photo: Ecopetrol headquarters in Colombia (Photo shared by Ecopetrol via their website)

Ecopetrol closed its purchase of Enerfín Colombia — the Statkraft renewables subsidiary that owns Portón del Sol — along with six other special-purpose solar entities totaling roughly 0.6 gigawatts, on November 13, 2025, for $157.5 million USD, part of a broader deal that also includes wind assets still pending closing. Announcing the sale in May 2025, Statkraft’s Executive Vice President for Europe, Barbara Flesche, said: “The deal confirms that Enerfín has built a skilled team and an attractive portfolio in Colombia. We are looking forward to watching the business grow under new ownership.” Ecopetrol and Portón del Sol signed a merger commitment on March 5, 2026, and Ecopetrol’s shareholders approved the absorption at the General Shareholders’ Meeting on March 27, 2026. The plant, located in La Dorada, in the department of Caldas, was Colombia’s first utility-scale solar plant and would fold entirely into Ecopetrol, which has said the move is meant to simplify management of its renewable-generation assets and capture tax and administrative efficiencies. Because Ecopetrol is the surviving entity, Article 6.4.1.1.42 of Decree 2555 of 2010 requires it to bring the transaction before a General Bondholders’ Meeting for each outstanding local issuance before it can close.

Alianza Valores Fiduciaria S.A. and Itaú Fiduciaria Colombia S.A., the legal representatives of Ecopetrol’s local bondholders, issued the meeting notices at Ecopetrol’s request under Article 6.4.1.1.18 of Decree 2555 of 2010, publishing them in the newspaper La República.

Holders of the 2010 issuance, Series A (COC04CBVP023) — Colombian peso bonds indexed to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), placed December 1, 2010, maturing December 1, 2040, paying CPI plus 4.90%, with $284,300 million COP outstanding — meet at 2 p.m. Bogotá time. Attendance is in person at Carrera 37 No. 24-24, Centro de Innovación Bogotá, or virtually via Ecopetrol’s 2010 bondholder platform, hosted on the electronic system of Deceval S.A. (Depósito Centralizado de Valores de Colombia), Colombia’s central securities depository. Besides voting on the merger itself, that meeting will hear Alianza Fiduciaria’s opinion on the transaction and a reading of the opinion issued by Fitch Ratings Colombia S.A.S., and will delegate the appointment of a chairperson and secretary to the Bondholders’ Representatives under Legal Circular 006 of 2025 from the Superintendencia Financiera de Colombia (Financial Superintendency of Colombia).

Holders of the 2013 issuance (COC04CBVP007) — also CPI-linked pesos, placed August 27, 2013, split into a 15-year tranche maturing 2028 at CPI plus 4.90% ($347,500 million COP outstanding) and a 30-year tranche maturing 2043 at CPI plus 5.15% ($262,950 million COP outstanding) — meet at the same venue at 3:30 p.m., or virtually via Ecopetrol’s 2013 bondholder platform. That meeting follows a similar agenda, with two differences: bondholders appoint their own chairperson and secretary directly rather than delegating the task, and the opinion on the merger comes from Itaú Fiduciaria Colombia S.A. (formerly Helm Fiduciaria S.A.) rather than Alianza.

Both meetings are convened under Article 19 of Law 222 of 1995 and Decree 398 of 2020, Colombia’s rules governing virtual corporate meetings. Requirements for participating are posted on Ecopetrol’s investor relations site.

The bondholder votes follow other recent debt moves at Ecopetrol, which in April 2026 refinanced $1.25 billion USD in external debt and closed a separate state subsidy settlement. Ecopetrol employs more than 19,000 people and, besides oil and gas production and refining, holds a 51.4% stake in Interconexión Eléctrica S.A. (ISA) (BVC: ISA), giving it interests in regional power transmission, the Barranquilla-Cartagena highway concession, and, through XM, administration of Colombia’s wholesale electricity market.

Above image: Gas well Orca Norte -1. Photo: Ecopetrol

As Abelardo de la Espriella took the oath of office as Colombia’s president on August 7, the US Department of State announced that Washington intends to provide $1 billion USD in security assistance to his new government, capping a stunning reversal in a bilateral relationship that a year earlier had produced sanctions against a sitting Colombian president, a revoked visa, and a call from the presidential palace for American soldiers to disobey their commander-in-chief.

A US Presidential Delegation led by Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche represented the United States at de la Espriella’s August 7 inauguration in Cali, a city in Colombia’s conflict-scarred southwest that hosted the ceremony instead of the traditional venue in Bogotá. In a statement titled “A New Era in U.S.-Colombia Relations,” the State Department said the delegation “demonstrates US commitment to reinvigorating the US-Colombia relationship and deepening of our shared security and economic partnership,” and that the $1 billion package is intended “as a cornerstone of this renewed partnership.”

A delegation built around security and counternarcotics

Secretary of State Marco Rubio did not travel to Cali, but the delegation Washington sent was heavy with counternarcotics and security officials, according to ColombiaOne and Local 10 News. Alongside Blanche, the group included Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Administrator Terry Cole; US Representative Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida; Sara Carter, director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy; Hugo Guevara of the US Embassy in Bogotá; Cliff Sims, national security adviser to Vice President JD Vance; Viviana Bovo of the State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs; Joseph M. Humire, deputy assistant secretary of war for Americas security affairs; and Chris Jarvis of Joint Task Force Vulcan, which targets transnational criminal organizations.

“Yesterday was the start of a new friendship and partnership working as a team in the fight against drug trafficking and furthering our relationship in countering threats to our national security and public safety,” Blanche wrote in a statement carried by Local 10 News.

Cole struck a similarly pointed tone. “DEA is ready to stand shoulder to shoulder with Colombia again,” he said in a statement cited by Local 10 News. “We will hunt down those who profit from cocaine, corruption, violence, and terror. There will be no safe haven, no protected trafficking route, and no immunity for those who poison our communities.”

The turnaround stands in sharp contrast to where the relationship stood barely 10 months earlier. On October 24, 2025, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) added outgoing President Gustavo Petro to its Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List — known in Colombia as the Lista Clinton (Clinton List), after the 1995 executive order that created it — under Executive Order 14059, which targets foreign persons involved in the global illicit drug trade. OFAC simultaneously designated Petro’s wife, Verónica Alcocer; his son, Nicolás Petro; and his interior minister, Armando Benedetti, according to a Federal Register notice of the action and Finance Colombia’s own reporting at the time. It marked the first time OFAC had designated a sitting, democratically elected head of state of a country long considered a close US ally.

The sanctions followed a September 15, 2025, presidential determination naming Colombia a “major drug transit country or major illicit drug producing country” that had “failed demonstrably” to meet its counternarcotics obligations — the first time Colombia had been placed on that list in more than 25 years.

Relations deteriorated further that same September, when Petro, addressing a pro-Palestinian rally near the United Nations General Assembly in New York, told a crowd: “I ask all the soldiers of the United States’ army, don’t point your rifles against humanity,” and urged them to “disobey the orders of Trump.” The State Department revoked his visa within hours, saying on social media that Petro had “urged US soldiers to disobey orders and incite violence,” according to CBS News. Petro dismissed the punishment, writing on social media that “international law grants me immunity to go to the UN and that there should be no reprisals for my free opinion, because I am a free person,” and noting that as a dual Colombian-European citizen he did not need a US visa, according to Al Jazeera.

Tensions eased only gradually. Petro traveled to Washington for a meeting with President Trump on February 2, 2026, in what CNN described at the time as a shift “from clash to dialogue” after a year of confrontation. Petro remained on the SDN list, and was still lobbying for his own removal from it as late as early July 2026, when he asked Trump by phone to lift the designation on him and his family — a request Trump said he would look into, according to ColombiaOne.

An election fought over the US relationship

De la Espriella, a 48-year-old lawyer and political outsider known to supporters as “El Tigre,” defeated Historic Pact candidate Iván Cepeda in a June 21 runoff, a race Trump endorsed publicly. Petro initially alleged the vote had been manipulated, a claim dismissed by international observers and Colombia’s electoral authorities before he conceded, according to Al Jazeera. The run-up to the inauguration was marked by violence, including a truck bombing near a police station in Cúcuta on August 1 that wounded eight police officers and three civilians, six days before de la Espriella took office, according to Al Jazeera. No group claimed responsibility; dissident factions of the demobilized FARC, the National Liberation Army (ELN), and the Clan del Golfo criminal group are all active in the border region. Security was tightened further ahead of the ceremony itself, held under armored vehicles, soldiers, and vehicle checkpoints in Cali, according to Al Jazeera.

At his swearing-in, de la Espriella broke with Petro’s negotiated-peace strategy toward armed groups, declaring that “the option of dialogue is completely exhausted” and pledging to “relentlessly defeat narco-terrorism.” He also committed Colombia to joining the Shield of the Americas, the US-backed regional counter-cartel coalition that grew out of a March 2026 summit hosted by the Trump administration, and pledged to strengthen state-run Ecopetrol (NYSE: EC) and pursue “responsible and sustainable fracking” to shore up the country’s oil and gas reserves.

Security package now, economic dialogue to follow

Under the State Department’s framework, the $1 billion package — which still requires action by the US Congress — is aimed at strengthening Colombia’s security forces against Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Transnational Criminal Organizations, expanding coca eradication and cocaine interdiction, freezing and prosecuting the finances behind armed groups, tightening border-security coordination, and rebuilding state presence in territory once controlled by armed groups.

The State Department said the two governments will also launch a Bilateral Prosperity Dialogue aimed at stabilizing Colombia’s economy, strengthening its energy sector, and exploring critical mineral investment, alongside efforts to connect Colombian small and medium enterprises in agribusiness, manufacturing, and tech services to US buyers and supply chains. Washington also committed to contributing to relief funds for potential El Niño-related flooding and drought, to modernizing Colombia’s digital, port, and energy infrastructure, and to advancing bilateral cooperation on civil nuclear energy.

Congressional approval of the $1 billion security package remains the first test of whether Friday’s pledges translate into disbursed assistance — and of how durable the “new era” proves once the inauguration goodwill fades.

Organized by the Petroleum Trade Committee (Comité Gremial Petrolero – CGP), the summit is coordinated by CAMPETROL, the Colombian Petroleum and Gas Association (ACP), the Colombian Association of Oil and Gas Geologists and Geophysicists (ACGGP), and Colombian Association of Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (ACIEM).

The event is expected to attract more than 3,500 participants and feature around 90 exhibitors, combining a business exhibition with academic and technical programs, as well as a dedicated business matchmaking forum.

Executives, policymakers, operators, suppliers, and technical specialists will examine topics including energy security, offshore development, hydrocarbons, natural gas, and the future of Colombia’s energy transition. The summit traditionally includes participation from senior industry leaders, including executives from Ecopetrol and CAMPETROL.

Dates: November 4–6, 2026
Venue:Convention Center in Cartagena de Indias

For more information and registration details, follow this link.

Collective Mining (NYSE American: CNL; TSX: CNL) has advanced engineering and permitting work for its planned exploration adit at the Guayabales Project in Caldas, Colombia, while appointing Josué Romanos as vice president of projects to support the company’s next phase of development.

“The progress on our exploration adit marks an important step in accelerating our understanding of the system from underground and advances the Guayabales Project towards our ultimate goal of production.”
— Ned Jalil, Chief Executive Officer, Collective Mining

The company said construction of the exploration adit is expected to begin in the fourth quarter of 2026. The underground access project is designed to provide a new platform for studying the Apollo system and the broader Guayabales Project, including additional drilling, geotechnical and hydrological studies, and future metallurgical sampling.

Collective Mining first announced the exploration adit plans on March 11, 2026. Since then, the company said it has progressed engineering studies, execution planning, and permitting activities to prepare for construction.

Early preparations have included the construction of an explosives storage facility, which Collective said has been inspected and approved by the relevant authorities.

The adit will support underground drilling activities at Guayabales, where the company is focused on advancing exploration of the Apollo system and the high-grade Ramp Zone. The work is expected to contribute technical information required for future project studies and development decisions.

Alongside the exploration update, Collective Mining announced the appointment of Josué Romanos as vice president of projects, effective immediately.

Romanos brings more than three decades of experience in energy and infrastructure projects in Colombia. He spent more than 15 years at Ecopetrol, Colombia’s state-controlled energy company, most recently serving as general manager of projects, where he oversaw engineering, construction, commissioning, and quality assurance activities across a multi-billion-dollar capital portfolio.

During his time at Ecopetrol, Romanos also participated in the company’s investment committee. Earlier in his career, he held operations and commissioning roles at BP Exploration and PetroSantander on projects in Colombia.

Romanos is a petroleum engineer from Universidad de América and holds a postgraduate specialization in gas engineering from Universidad Industrial de Santander.

Collective Mining said the appointment strengthens its internal project execution capabilities as Guayabales advances through technical studies, permitting, and operational preparation.

Founded by the team behind Continental Gold, which was acquired by Zijin Mining for approximately $2 billion in enterprise value, Collective Mining is exploring gold, silver, copper, and tungsten projects in Caldas.

The company’s Guayabales Project is located within an established mining district and is centered on expanding exploration targets including the Ramp Zone, Hanging Wall Vein Zone, and additional greenfield targets.

Collective Mining is listed on the NYSE American and the Toronto Stock Exchange under the symbol CNL. Management, insiders, strategic investors, and close family and friends hold approximately 45.2% of the company’s outstanding shares.

Barring any post-election drama, President-elect de la Espriella will take over a very divided country, and if he is smart, he will understand that he was the first choice of only a minority of the electorate. He will have a choice. He can govern for the small hard core, or he can be a conciliator.

Colombia has a nasty history of political violence, going back to the country’s founding. The person most Colombians see as the founder of the nation, Colombia’s George Washington figure, Simón Bolívar, barely escaped with his life during what was known as the Septembrine Conspiracy, which was born out of a conflict in visions for the new country. For most of the country’s history, the hostility between the Conservatives and the Liberals, the two primary political parties for most of Colombia’s history, manifested itself with bullets every bit as much as with ballots. Even though Colombia has, for almost all of its history, been a real democracy; the country has had only one military strongman dictator, and even he tried to be something of a reformer; violence has always had a hand in politics.

“With less than half the vote, the only mandate he holds is for an inclusive, conciliatory approach.” — Loren Moss, Finance Colombia

I once was at a talk in Medellín, years ago, where the businessman Chris Daes was asked, “When will Colombia advance?” “When we learn to stop hating each other,” he said.

Last night, after the election results were announced, police stations in Kennedy and Bosa, low-income neighborhoods in the southwest of Bogotá, were attacked. Why? The police hadn’t done anything. Riot police were called out to Puerto Rellena in Cali after roads were blocked by Cepeda supporters. In Medellín, some supporters of the president-elect turned up with bats and clubs outside Plaza Mayor, one of the city’s main public squares, probably supporters of de la Espriella, and let me emphasize that this is my guess, but no violence was reported.

Outgoing President Gustavo Petro called for calm, but also complained about US President Donald Trump’s open support of de la Espriella, forgetting that just months ago he was in the US and called for the US military to turn against its own government. Petro and the losing candidate, Senator Iván Cepeda, have said that while they acknowledge the preliminary vote count, they will not concede until an official final count, and they are calling for a scrutiny of the ballots.

So what happened here?

Three weeks ago, Colombia held the first round of presidential voting. The early favorite, Paloma Valencia of the right-wing establishment Centro Democrático party, backed by former president Álvaro Uribe, came in third, behind the right-wing outsider Abelardo de la Espriella and the ally of outgoing president Gustavo Petro, Senator Iván Cepeda of the leftist Pacto Histórico (Historic Pact). In Colombia there is an open first round, which can field many candidates, but the top two vote-getters advance to a final round unless one candidate clears 50% plus one.

Most people thought Cepeda would come in first with a unified left, but de la Espriella came in first, Cepeda second, and Valencia third. My take on this is very clear: Colombians were saying that they reject Gustavo Petro’s collectivist socialist experiment, but that they also reject Álvaro Uribe as the flag-bearer for the right. A sort of “we don’t like them, but we don’t like you either.”

So what happened in the past three weeks? Exactly what I expected. The outgoing president’s political machine moved to mass mobilization: get the buses out, get the affinity groups, such as indigenous leaders and unions, to mobilize. Something interesting happened: a government worker I know in immigration was told, and convinced, that she would lose her job if de la Espriella won. Her union told her this, of course. Cepeda and Petro’s movement has counted on its ability to mobilize people through group affiliation, working through organized structures to get out the vote. It was very effective, but not quite enough.

On the other hand, the split vote between Paloma Valencia and Abelardo de la Espriella came together, sort of, but not in a coordinated fashion. There was no real way to mobilize lukewarm people who were not already behind one of those two candidates. The business community had largely already opposed the Petro-Cepeda project, but it does not have the same mobilization machinery in place.

There will be time for a lot more journalism on this, but I want to get this initial reporting out quickly. Beyond that dynamic, what other factors came into play? Several:

• The outgoing president ran his administration like a game of thrones, or some kind of reality show. On average, he was bringing in a new cabinet minister every three weeks. It was nonstop drama and intrigue, and Cepeda’s message of “stay the course” ran up against that.
• Then there was the treatment of Vice President Francia Márquez. Petro used her to try to win the Afro-Colombian vote, but once they were elected, they tried to sideline her and treat her as a token. She rebelled against that and has called out her own administration for its corruption and racism. Over the past four years, Márquez has actually seemed more serious than Petro, who has a habit of crazy talk. By picking Aída Quilcué, Cepeda made it look like more of the same, and, fair or not, it made Quilcué look like a token candidate. Maybe it isn’t fair, but you can blame the Petro administration for creating that environment.
• Uribe’s first candidate choice, Senator Miguel Uribe Turbay (no relation), was assassinated on the orders of, according to Gustavo Petro’s own attorney general, the Segunda Marquetalia, a FARC dissident structure co-founded by Jesús Santrich, who was on his way to being extradited to the United States until that was allegedly blocked by Iván Cepeda’s efforts. Whether or not it is fair, for a lot of people in Colombia this is emblematic of Cepeda’s nurturing approach to the guerrilla groups, which have been growing stronger under the Pacto Histórico’s dialogue-first approach.
• The current administration is stained with several corruption scandals: the UNGRD scandal, in which money meant to bring water to poor, isolated families in the deserts of La Guajira was robbed for a political bribery fund; the ongoing scandals around Ricardo Roa and state petroleum company Ecopetrol (NYSE: EC), where Roa has been charged over alleged campaign-spending violations; the fiasco over the printing of Colombian passports; and a move that really angered the paisas (people of Antioquia and Medellín), the appointment of indicted former mayor Daniel Quintero to a government position supervising the finances of the country’s health system. Here you have a man with something like 40 counts of indictment for corruption, though let me be clear, he has not been convicted yet, and you appoint him to supervise the finances of the country’s primary health system? Usually when people are facing charges, they say something like “I am innocent, but I will resign to focus on clearing my name.” This one went full steam ahead. That undoubtedly cost votes among those who prioritize clean government.
• Cepeda’s running mate, Aída Quilcué, who never went to college, accused graduates of Colombia’s best universities of having “only learned to steal the people’s money.” She tried to walk that back after her statement blew up, but the damage was done. She was clearly attacking people who attended private universities in Colombia, many of which have no elite pretensions and specialize in educating low-income students.

What do I think will happen?

Assuming the vote count is not overturned, de la Espriella will take over the executive branch with no political machinery in Congress, so he will have to negotiate to get anything done. This is not a situation like El Salvador or Venezuela, where you come in and take over the whole government. To its credit, Colombia has strong institutions. Had Cepeda won, he would have come in with the largest bloc of legislators in Congress and might have found it relatively easy to push through his agenda. With de la Espriella, not so much, and I think this is a good thing. Personally, I like divided government as a concept, because it encourages moderation, consensus, and negotiation.

I expect the guerrilla groups to try to seize the initiative, and I expect their violence to increase in the short term as they try to assert their authority. Longer term, I think they are worse off, and they know the military will be after them soon, so they will make what hay they can while the sun shines. Expect them to try to “punish” the country for electing the candidate most hostile to them, a pattern that has already mocked the outgoing government’s “Total Peace” strategy.

Outgoing President Gustavo Petro will not shut up once out of office. He will become a full-time presence on social media and make as much noise as possible in opposition to the incoming administration. Unlike former President Juan Manuel Santos, Petro will be more like Álvaro Uribe, who has remained addicted to the spotlight, to influence, and to the thrill of power. In places where there is a tradition of former presidents ceding the spotlight, he won’t follow it. Petro will take every opportunity to travel around the world and throughout Colombia to speak, as he is entitled to, and to fashion for himself the role of dear father of the oppressed.

Petro and Cepeda and their movement will, if not explicitly then tacitly, reactivate the primera línea (front line), the aggressive activist youth street movement, not a formal organization, that mobilizes, sometimes peacefully and sometimes violently, against whoever opposes the Pacto Histórico. Last night we already saw violence in the low-income areas of Bogotá, and we saw riot police called out in Cali. It is not always that someone gives an order to go out and protest, even though there have been accusations of exactly that, for example against Petro ally and senator Gustavo Bolívar.

Colombian law says the runner-up in the presidential election gets a seat in the Senate, so Cepeda will return to the Senate, where he will lead the opposition. He already has a bloc of some 30 legislators behind him and is a Senate veteran, so he will be a very powerful voice.

What do I hope will happen?

I hope de la Espriella will have a plan to lift up the poor and the marginalized, and Colombia has plenty. He says he will govern for all the people, and I hope so. This was a very polarized election. People who feel excluded from opportunity largely voted for Cepeda and now feel they have lost. De la Espriella has a window of opportunity to do what he said in his election-night speech and govern for all Colombians. I hope he understands that, with less than 50% of the vote, the only mandate he has is for an inclusive, conciliatory approach.

His administration is inheriting a fiscal mess, as the current government has run up the debt. I hope that, along with Vice President-elect José Manuel Restrepo, they can properly manage this and navigate Colombia’s economy through rough times. Because the government will need to find dollars to make these debt payments, the peso will eventually fall, unless the US does something stupid to wreck its own currency. The opposition will try to blame the new administration for this, even though they planted the seeds for these fiscal weeds that will soon sprout.

I hope Colombia becomes safer for Colombians, and that the guerrilla groups, the mafias, and the drug traffickers shrink. It may be utopian to think they will be eliminated in four years, but my hope is that Colombia becomes safer, especially for poor Colombians, who are by far the primary victims of these groups. In recent years, unlike in the old days, the rich have been largely insulated from the depredations of guerrillas and extortionists, but the poor continue to suffer. So I hope de la Espriella goes after these groups, but in a way that respects and protects human rights, something Uribe failed to do during his time in power, leading to many innocent people becoming victims not just of the guerrillas, but of state violence. I sincerely hope, and will be watching closely, that the state becomes a protector of the poor rather than a victimizer of them. Many poor Colombians suffered under Uribe’s watch, and many continue to suffer under the current Petro government, which has simply not protected them from the depredations of groups like the ELN, the Clan del Golfo, and the FARC dissidents.

People to watch

• Armando Benedetti. The interior minister has been Petro’s consigliere, but he also seems to hold some kind of strange power over Petro. The US government, or in other words Donald Trump, placed him on the Clinton List, which will complicate his life personally and professionally once he is out of office.
• Daniel Quintero. The former Medellín mayor is already battling serious corruption charges, and while he found a friend in Gustavo Petro, that protection will no longer be there. There will be no place for him in the incoming government, and he still has to face all these charges. With no power to protect his allies, many of them also indicted, will they turn on him and spill the frijoles?
• Álvaro Uribe. No doubt pleased, he didn’t get his first choice, which was his own candidate, but he and de la Espriella clearly share a fondness, and their families go way back. De la Espriella’s father was a Liberal Party supporter of Uribe, and Uribe rewarded him with a juicy notary appointment decades ago.

A win for the business sector

Objectively, this is a win for the business sector. Business groups like Fenalco and ANDI have expressed their support for de la Espriella, and he has expressed his explicit support for the petroleum and mining sectors. I just don’t see any major businesses or trade groups that came out in support of Cepeda. Certainly Cepeda and Petro have support from individual businesspeople, but as organized industry groups, I just haven’t seen it anywhere.

Anecdotes

The polls closed barely twelve hours ago, and overnight I tried to gather the opinions of a few people. This is not a scientific poll, and to be clear and fair, Finance Colombia is a business-oriented publication, and I simply know a lot more businesspeople and entrepreneurs than I know community organizers and militant activists. So this is not any kind of objective sample; it is simply personal feedback gathered the very night of the election:

• A member of the Wayúu community in La Guajira told me they went for Cepeda, so they are not pleased.
• In a split family, both spouses professionals from humble backgrounds, the husband, a labor lawyer who contracts with the government, went for Cepeda, but his wife, a middle manager at a bank, went for de la Espriella.
• A psychologist who originally voted for Sergio Fajardo in the first round told me she voted blank, because she saw both candidates as extremists, a left-wing extremist versus a right-wing extremist, and she was disgusted at her country’s polarization.
• A police officer commented to me, “Better this loco than the other loco,” meaning he would take de la Espriella but considered both of them crazy. I think this is a common sentiment; it was not an endorsement of one so much as thinking the other was the worse option.
• A domestic worker told me she voted for de la Espriella, hoping he will take action against rising crime and violence.
• There were pro-Cepeda protests and some street violence in the mostly poor southwest of Bogotá, but there were celebrations in parts of the north of the city, and in the high-income El Poblado area of Medellín the celebrations looked like Colombia had just won the World Cup. Even where I live, in a rural area about an hour from Medellín, you could hear spontaneous car parades and firecrackers all through the night.
• Small businesspeople and Colombian investors I know have, to a person, been celebrating.

The most important takeaway, and something Colombians should be proud of, is that they have just held a peaceful, free, and fair election. Not every country can do that. A lot of hard work remains, and a lot can still go wrong. Count on Finance Colombia to bring you timely updates and analysis.

The Asociación Colombiana de BPO (BPrO) has announced the winners of its Interaction Awards 2026, the sixteenth edition of the association’s national program recognizing excellence in customer experience (CX) and business process outsourcing (BPO) in Colombia.

“The Interaction Awards recognize companies in all sectors of the economy with customer interaction processes, which, in the implementation of projects, contribute to the success of the company, providing a better service and promoting company/client relationships.” — Asociación Colombiana de BPO (BPrO)

The Interaction Awards are given out by BPrO to recognize companies “in all sectors of the economy with customer interaction processes, which, in the implementation of projects, contribute to the success of the company, providing a better service and promoting company/client relationships.”

BPrO, which is marking its twenty-fifth anniversary, created the awards to highlight the kind of standout performance and service delivered by companies central to the BPO industry, and to encourage others to follow their lead. The recognitions accompany the association’s Customer Experience Summit 2026 in Cartagena. (For context, see our coverage of last year’s CX Summit 2025 winners.)

BPrO’s 16th Interaction Awards honor Colombia’s top BPO, CX, and shared-services operators, led by Emtelco, Konecta, and Emergia.

The following is the full list of gold, silver, and bronze winners in each category.

Best Human Capital Management

• Gold: Emergia
• Silver: Emtelco
• Bronze: Konecta

Best Contribution to Social Responsibility

• Gold: Emergia
• Silver: Lean Solutions Group
• Bronze: DIAGEO

Best Technological Contribution

• Gold: Credibanco Cari AI
• Silver: Ayesa
• Bronze: Outsourcing

Best Data Analytics Strategy

• Gold: Konecta
• Silver: Emergia
• Bronze: Emtelco

Best Collection Strategy

• Gold: Emtelco
• Silver: Emergia
• Bronze: DIAGEO

Best Inclusion and Diversity Strategy

• Gold: Emtelco
• Silver: BPM Consulting
• Bronze: Atento

Best Customer Experience Strategy

• Gold: Konecta
• Silver: AV Villas
• Bronze: AlmaExperience Colombia

Best Employee Engagement Strategy

• Gold: Emtelco
• Silver: Atlantic Quantum Innovations
• Bronze: Jazzplat

Best Human Resources Management for Shared Service Centers

• Gold: Spectrum Brands
• Silver: Coomeva Centro de Soluciones y Servicios
• Bronze: Ecopetrol

Best Innovation Strategy for Shared Service Centers

• Gold: DIAGEO
• Silver: ISES
• Bronze: Coomeva Centro de Soluciones y Servicios

Best Social Networking Strategy

• Gold: Emtelco
• Silver: Emergia
• Bronze: Konecta

Best Multichannel/Omnichannel Strategy

• Gold: Emtelco
• Silver: Konecta
• Bronze: Emergia

Best Export Management

• Gold: Konecta
• Silver: Emergia
• Bronze: DIAGEO

Best Outsourcing Company Operation

• Gold: CallCenterMall
• Silver: Emtelco
• Bronze: Atento

Best Internal Operation

• Gold: BRM
• Silver: Coomeva Centro de Soluciones y Servicios
• Bronze: DIAGEO

Talent Award

• Camilo Adolfo Rodríguez Sánchez, Emtelco

Executive of the Year Award

• Alcides Vargas Manotas, ScotiaGBS (Scotiabank group)