The Andean Community of Nations (CAN) ordered Colombia and Ecuador to dismantle, within 10 business days, the trade restrictions and tariff measures imposed since late 2025, concluding that they violate the legal framework governing the regional bloc composed of Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru.

The decision was adopted through three resolutions issued May 8, 2026, by the CAN General Secretariat, led by Gonzalo Gutiérrez Reinel, following an assessment of trade disputes that emerged between the two countries amid tensions related to border security and commerce.

The organization concluded that several measures implemented by Quito and Bogotá violate the Cartagena Agreement, the founding treaty of Andean integration, which prohibits restrictions on intraregional trade among member states.

More information about the “security tariff”: Colombia and Ecuador Escalate Trade Tensions with Tariffs Raised to 100%.

Ecuador ordered to lift border restrictions and “security tariff”

The first resolution, No. 2581, ruled in favor of Colombia in a complaint related to Ecuador’s decision to limit bilateral land trade to a single border crossing. The General Secretariat classified the measure as a “restriction on Andean subregional trade” and granted Ecuador 10 business days to withdraw it.

The resolution also urged both countries to strengthen bilateral cooperation on border security matters.

“To urge the Republic of Ecuador and the Republic of Colombia to strengthen bilateral cooperation and coordination mechanisms in border control (…) through joint actions, without affecting the normal development of subregional trade,” the organization stated in Resolution 2581.

Meanwhile, Resolution 2582 ordered Ecuador to eliminate the so-called “security tariff” imposed exclusively on Colombian imports, which initially stood at 30% and later escalated to 100%.

According to CAN, the measure violates the Trade Liberalization Program established under the Cartagena Agreement and constitutes a “disguised tariff.”

The General Secretariat concluded that the so-called Customs Control Service Fee (TSCA) or “security tariff” does not qualify as a legitimate fee because it does not compensate for an individualized service to importers, but instead finances general state functions related to intelligence and strategic security.

Ecuador was given a maximum of 10 business days to dismantle the measure and formally report compliance. So far, the government of President Daniel Noboa has not issued an official response to the resolutions.

CAN also orders Colombia to dismantle countermeasures

“I have no problem removing tariffs on Ecuadorian products in the same manner and timeline in which they were imposed,” Petro wrote on X after the ruling became public.

The third resolution, No. 2583, rejected the trade countermeasures adopted by Colombia in response to Ecuador.

The government of President Gustavo Petro had issued Decree 0170, later tightened through Decree 0455, imposing reciprocal tariffs ranging from 30% to 75% on Ecuadorian products and restricting the entry of rice, potatoes, onions, and fishery products through specific border crossings.

CAN concluded that these measures are also incompatible with Andean community regulations.

Trade dispute rooted in security tensions

The commercial dispute between the two countries intensified beginning in late 2025 and reached its peak in April 2026, when both governments progressively increased tariffs and trade restrictions, citing concerns related to border security and anti-narcotics enforcement.

The tensions particularly affected border regions, where business groups and transport operators warned of disruptions to trade flows and rising logistical costs.

CAN’s resolutions now seek to restore free trade conditions within the Andean bloc and reduce diplomatic tensions between two of its largest economies.

The government of Ecuador, led by President Daniel Noboa, announced a reduction in the so-called “security tariff” applied to imports from Colombia, lowering it from 100% to 75% effective June 1, 2026.

The decision was announced in an official statement from Ecuador’s presidency, which said the measure “reaffirms the national government’s willingness to move toward bilateral cooperation mechanisms on security matters, promoting greater coordination between both countries and strengthening the development of the border region.”

More information about the “security tariff”: Colombia and Ecuador Escalate Trade Tensions with Tariffs Raised to 100%.

Political tensions and tariff dispute

Differences between the governments of Gustavo Petro and Noboa have escalated since 2025, driven by political, commercial and border security disagreements.

In April 2025, Petro initially said he could not recognize Noboa’s election, arguing that Ecuador’s electoral process had taken place “under a state of emergency” and with military presence during voting. However, he later reversed his position and attended Noboa’s inauguration ceremony on May 24, 2025, in Quito.

Since then, both countries have faced disputes related to border security, trade and energy transportation, leading to a gradual escalation in tariffs. Import duties increased progressively from 30% to 50% and later reached 100% on April 9, 2026.

Read: Colombia to Reinforce Border Security with Ecuador Amid Escalating Trade Tensions.

“Unfortunately, it is not possible to reach agreements with someone who does not share the same commitment to fighting narco-terrorism. Since we adopted this measure, violent deaths along the northern border have decreased by 33%. In the future, it will be possible to talk with a government that is truly committed to fighting crime and drug trafficking,” Noboa wrote on X on April 10, 2026, while defending the tougher trade measures.

Signs of de-escalation

The tariff reduction announced by Ecuador coincides with the Colombian government’s earlier decision not to raise its own tariffs to 100%, a move seen as a sign of moderation that could help ease diplomatic and commercial tensions between the two countries.

The dispute has particularly affected Colombian border regions such as Nariño and Cauca, which are already facing security challenges linked to the presence of illegal armed groups and recent violent attacks.

Read: Rising Violence in Colombia: Highway Explosion Leaves 21 Dead, Dozens Injured.

Colombia’s Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism, Diana Marcela Morales Rojas, said that “what we are seeing is that Ecuador’s initial strategy did not produce the expected effects on Colombia and instead generated distortions within its own trade system.”

In that regard, “Colombia has maintained and will continue to maintain a permanent willingness for technical dialogue and cooperation, with the same seriousness with which it adopts its policy decisions. Along that path, we are ready to move forward,” the minister added on X.

Meanwhile, Colombian Foreign Minister Rosa Villavicencio said during an interview broadcast by La FM that the government would seek to “resume dialogue with Ecuador in hopes of restoring relations, reducing those tariffs and returning to the trade flow we previously had.”

Colombia’s government has announced a package of measures to strengthen security in municipalities along the border with Ecuador, amid escalating tensions between the two countries over security and trade issues.

According to a statement released by the presidency, the actions include “the deployment of 200 additional National Police officers and 270 soldiers, as well as enhanced maritime and riverine capabilities for territorial control and the fight against drug trafficking.”

The plan also includes technical support for surveillance systems, the deployment of two armored platoons to ensure troop mobility, and meetings aimed at strengthening joint operations by security forces and control at border crossings.

Defense Minister Pedro Sánchez announced the measures, stating that “we will not allow criminal groups seeking to profit from illegal activities such as drug trafficking, illegal mining, extortion and smuggling to affect security indicators.”

He added that security forces have already seized 2.4 tons of drugs and remain deployed in the region “to protect our seas and critically disrupt drug trafficking.”

Context: security and trade tensions

The measures come days before Ecuador’s tariff increase takes effect, raising the so-called “security tariff” on Colombian goods from 50% to 100% starting May 1, 2026.

Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa told Revista Semana magazine that the decision is not part of a “trade war” with Colombia but rather reflects the costs of reinforcing border security. “We have to spend twice as much, and it costs $400 million USD more per year to keep our armed forces deployed at the border,” he said.

For its part, Colombia’s government has rejected claims of insufficient action on border security. Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism Diana Marcela Morales Rojas said Colombia has kept diplomatic channels open.

“We have exhausted all diplomatic efforts and maintained open dialogue channels with the Government of Ecuador, seeking a solution that benefits both countries, businesses and, above all, communities on both sides of the border. However, we have not received a positive response,” she said in a statement.

At the same time, Colombia is evaluating its tariff response. Although President Gustavo Petro previously said he would not impose 100% tariffs on Ecuador, a draft update to Decree 170 of 2026 has recently emerged proposing differentiated tariffs of 35%, 50% and 75% on imports from the neighboring country. So far, the proposal has not been signed or officially published.

More information on the trade dispute between Colombia and Ecuador? Read Trade War Between Colombia And Ecuador Escalates, With 50% Tariffs Threatened by Finance Colombia.

Ecuador’s government announced an increase in the so-called “security tariff” applied to imports from Colombia, raising it from 50% to 100%, a move that has intensified trade tensions between the two countries.

In response, the Colombian government, through its Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism, said it will match Ecuador’s measure by adjusting its tariffs to the same level, arguing the need to “maintain balance in bilateral trade conditions.”

The Ecuadorian decision was formalized through a resolution issued by the National Customs Service of Ecuador (Servicio Nacional de Aduana del Ecuador), which establishes that the new tariff will take effect on May 1, 2026.

According to Ecuador’s government, led by President Daniel Noboa, the measure is driven by concerns over border security. In an official statement, authorities said that “after confirming the lack of implementation of concrete and effective border security measures by Colombia, Ecuador is obliged to adopt sovereign actions.”

Colombia’s response and diplomatic measures

Amid the escalation, President Gustavo Petro announced immediate diplomatic actions, including recalling Colombia’s ambassador to Ecuador, María Antonia Velasco, whom he said “must return immediately” to Colombia. He also stated that “the next cabinet meeting will be held at a location along the border with Ecuador,” in a message posted on X.

Petro also criticized statements from Ecuador’s government, saying that “the president of Ecuador insults the Colombian government, which has seized more cocaine than at any point in world history.”

For her part, Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism, Diana Marcela Morales Rojas said Colombia “had maintained open diplomatic channels prior to Ecuador’s decision.”

“We have exhausted all diplomatic efforts and kept dialogue channels open with the Government of Ecuador, seeking a solution that benefits both countries, businesses, and above all, communities on both sides of the border. However, we have not received a positive response,” she said in a statement.

Economic impact and trade response

Colombia’s government, led by the Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism, also announced it will amend Decree 170 to raise tariffs to 100%, in line with Ecuador’s measure. The proposal will be submitted to the Committee on Customs, Tariff and Foreign Trade Affairs (Triple A) for review, meaning that details and the effective date of the increase have yet to be determined.

According to the statement, Ecuador’s tariff hike distorts competitive conditions in the Andean market, negatively affecting Colombian producers competing with Ecuadorian goods.

The government also announced relief measures aimed at mitigating the impact on the productive sector, including favorable credit lines, expanded access to financing, and mechanisms to preserve employment.

Political escalation and questions over the Andean system

Amid the growing trade dispute, President Petro also signaled a potential shift in Colombia’s economic foreign policy, stating that Ecuador’s actions “mark the end of the Andean Pact for Colombia.”

“We have nothing left to do there. The foreign minister must begin the process of joining Mercosur as a full member and redirect our efforts toward the Caribbean and Central America,” he said.

The Andean Pact, also known as the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), established in 1969 by Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, has historically been a cornerstone of regional economic integration.

Both governments have filed formal complaints with the CAN, which will assess the admissibility of the claims and may mediate the dispute.

More information on the trade dispute between Colombia and Ecuador? Read Trade War Between Colombia And Ecuador Escalates, With 50% Tariffs Threatened by Finance Colombia.

Above photo: President Gustavo Petro of Colombia with President Daniel Noboa of Ecuador (photo courtesy Presidencia of Ecuador)

Traders and transport operators have suspended a 19-day blockade at the Rumichaca International Bridge, the primary land crossing between Colombia and Ecuador. The protest, catalyzed by a 50% tax imposed by the Ecuadorian government on Colombian goods, was lifted to accommodate travel and commerce during the Semana Santa holiday period. Despite the suspension of the strike, the regional business community reports that significant economic damage and diplomatic tensions persist.

Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa (photo: Carlos Silva/Presidencia de la República)

The closure of the border crossing created a substantial disruption in binational economic activity. Estimates from the Cámara de Comercio de Ipiales in Nariño, Colombia indicate that losses reached approximately $5 million USD per day due to freight remaining stationary in the border zone. The Comité Gremial de Trabajadores de la Frontera de Ipiales stated that while the reopening is a responsible gesture for the high-traffic holiday season, current tariff policies continue to threaten hundreds of direct and indirect jobs linked to foreign trade.

The Governor of Nariño, Luis Alfonso Escobar, criticized the trade barriers implemented by the administration of Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa. Governor Escobar argued that such measures inadvertently encourage illicit activities in the region. He emphasized that instead of facilitating formal commerce, high tariffs drive trade toward illegality, undermining regional security efforts. To mitigate the conflict, the Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) has initiated high-level dialogues. Diplomatic delegations led by Colombian Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Juana Castro and her Ecuadorian counterpart, Alejandro Dávalos, held a virtual working group to address pending issues in trade, transport, energy, and hydrocarbons.

“Decisions adopted without considering the reality of our communities have put at risk the livelihood of merchants, transporters, foreign trade workers, and thousands of people who live from binational exchange,” stated the Comité Gremial de Trabajadores de la Frontera de Ipiales.

Diplomatic friction has extended into the energy sector. President Noboa claimed that in 2017, Ecuador assisted Colombia during a potential blackout by charging 1.6 cents USD per kWh, whereas in 2024, Colombia charged an average of 28 cents USD per kWh during Ecuador’s hydroelectric crisis. In response, the Colombian Minister of Mines and Energy, Edwin Palma, clarified that prices during the 2023-2024 El Niño phenomenon reflected the actual costs of production and distribution, particularly when fossil fuel-powered thermoelectric plants using fuel oil and diesel were activated.

The ongoing trade dispute has impacted more than 5,500 companies over the past two months. Diana Marcela Morales, the Colombian Minister of Commerce, Industry, and Tourism, confirmed scheduled meetings with Ecuadorian officials to de-escalate the conflict and establish fair, transparent rules. Concurrently, the Ministerio de Comercio, Industria y Turismo has moved to protect domestic industries by implementing new tariffs on steel and ceramics from countries without existing free trade agreements. These measures aim to counter market distortions and protect a sector that employs more than 50,000 people while promoting circular economy practices and reducing CO2 emissions.

Above photo: Border between Ecuador & Colombia looking towards Ipiales, Colombia (Photo: Cancillería de Colombia)

Colombia and Ecuador are engaged in a tariff dispute that could affect both countries. At the beginning of February, Ecuador imposed 30% tariffs on products imported from its northern neighbor, and then Colombia responded with reciprocal tariffs at the same rate. Ecuador has now escalated the dispute by raising the tariff to 50%. Here is a summary of what is happening.

The most recent move by Ecuador was on February 26. “After confirming the lack of implementation of concrete and effective border security measures by Colombia, Ecuador is obliged to adopt sovereign actions. Starting March 1, the security fee on imports originating from Colombia will be increased from 30% to 50%,” the Servicio Nacional de Aduana said in a press release as retaliation for the announcement of reciprocal tariffs by Colombia.

Before that, the Colombian government had officially imposed a reciprocal 30% tariff on imports of goods originating from Ecuador, as established in Decree 170 of 2026, signed on February 24 by President Gustavo Petro and his ministerial cabinet.

The decree states that the measure responds to the 30% tariff previously imposed by Ecuador on Colombian products has generated “an estimated 97% drop in exports to that country, equivalent to an annual reduction of approximately $1.803 billion USD.”

Colombia has suspended electricity delivery to Ecuador in retaliation.

The Colombian decision came as a direct response to the so-called “security fee” introduced by Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa on February 1, which applied the same rate to goods originating from Colombia.

At the time, the Secretaría General de Comunicaciones de Ecuador, announced the measure through the social media platform X, stating that the objective was to “protect national security and strengthen customs controls and security in the border area.” According to President Noboa, the decision was based on “a lack of reciprocity and the need for stronger security measures,” adding that the tariff would remain in place “until there is a genuine joint commitment to combat drug trafficking and illegal mining along the shared border.”

These actions mark an escalation in trade tensions between the two countries, which have faced growing political and diplomatic challenges in recent months. Colombia had already suspended electricity exports to Ecuador following the initial tariffs, while Quito increased fees for transporting Colombian petroleum through its pipelines.

Products affected by tariffs include beans, rice, fats and oils, unsweetened cocoa powder, fresh bananas, ethyl alcohol and denatured spirits, as well as insecticides, fungicides, and disinfectants, among others. Although the tariff is initially paid by importers at the border, these costs are typically passed on to end consumers through price adjustments.

Despite historically close trade relations, it remains unclear whether both countries will reach a short-term agreement, or move toward formal dispute resolution mechanisms. On February 6, foreign ministers from both nations held a negotiation meeting in Quito, though no formal agreement was reached. Ecuador, at the time, conditioned further decisions on progress in security and energy cooperation.

Additionally, according to Bogotá-based El Tiempo daily newspaper, both governments have filed formal complaints with the Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN), which must determine whether the claims will be accepted. Analysts generally agree that a diplomatic solution remains the most viable path to resolving the current trade dispute.

The Central Market in Tulcán, Ecuador, near the Colombian border, one of the most affected areas by the new tariffs. (photo: Jadin Samit Vergara)

Headline photo: Border between Tulcán, Ecuador, and Ipiales, Colombia, at the Rumichaca International Bridge. (Photo Jadin Samit Vergara)

The case comes from a formal complaint filed in June 2024 by the ‘Red de Veedurías Ciudadanas,’ a citizen oversight network. On May 9, 2025, the Delegate Prosecutor before the Supreme Court of Justice officially opened an investigation into the matter, according to the Medellín daily El Colombiano. Initial steps included gathering documentation verifying Sarabia’s constitutional protections as a high-ranking government official, such as her appointment decrees and income records from 2022 to date.

The scrutiny focuses exclusively on Sarabia’s time in public office under President Gustavo Petro. This includes her roles at the Department for Social Prosperity (2023), as Director of the Administrative Department of the Presidency (Dapre) in 2024, and now as Foreign Minister.

The network’s complaint questions the source of the family’s wealth, particularly that of Andrés Sarabia. The group alleges that within less than two years, he went from living simply to building a fortune, driving luxury cars, traveling in private jets, and moving to a high-end apartment in Bogotá’s Parque de la 93 sector. This sudden lifestyle change and alleged connections to high-level figures indicate possible misuse of influence linked to his sister’s positions in government, according to the complaint.

There are also concerns about Consulting S.A.S., a consulting company allegedly formed with only $6 million COP in capital—less than $1,500 USD as of the date of publication. The company was registered electronically by Laura Sarabia, her husband Andrés Fernando Parra, and her brother. However, the business was placed solely under her husband’s name, allowing Sarabia to avoid disclosing her indirect ties in official declarations during her public service tenure.

Sarabia’s attorney, Lina Sandoval, posted a video on X defending the minister and questioning the motives of her accusers. “Can those attacking her justify their own wealth and expenses? I doubt it,” Sandoval said, adding that more evidence would be presented in court by June 9. That date also marks hearings related to another case in which Sarabia is testifying against Minister Armando Benedetti for alleged violence against women.

#NoLeTaparánLaBoca
¿Pueden quienes la atacan justificar su patrimonio y sus gastos? LO DUDO. El 9 de junio continuaremos.

Laura Sarabia ha puesto a disposición de la Fiscalía toda su información financiera, patrimonial y fiscal. No tiene nada que ocultar. En su contra no existen… pic.twitter.com/O2RoO1m4aP

— Lina Sandoval Echavarría (@SandovalLina) May 9, 2025

Meanwhile, tensions have reportedly risen within the government, as the rumors of friction between Sarabia and President Petro grow. A recent disagreement was visible over recent foreign policy differences, when with a post on X Sarabia congratulated Daniel Noboa election as President of Ecuador, while Petro questioned the legitimacy of Noboa’s election in his own account of this social media platform. Sarabia denied any rift, stating during a speech commemorating her first 100 days as Foreign Minister, that she maintains “good communication” with the president despite divergent views. As the investigation progresses, the case highlights broader concerns over transparency and the concentration of political power within families closely tied to Colombia’s government. For now, both Sarabia and the president deny any misconduct, but the coming weeks may determine whether the allegations gain traction or are dismissed as politically motivated.

Felicitamos al nuevo presidente de la República del Ecuador, @DanielNoboaOk. El hermano pueblo de Ecuador puede siempre contar con Colombia para trabajar juntos por una América Latina libre, soberana y en paz.

— Laura Sarabia (@laurisarabia) April 15, 2025

Headline photo: Laura Sarabia (Photo: Cancillería de Colombia)

This is the third meeting between Petro and Sheinbaum in just three months: They had previously met during Sheinbaum’s inauguration as Mexico’s first female president on October 1 and later during the G20 summit in Brazil in November, where they had a private meeting reaffirming their commitment to strengthening cooperation.

According to a press release from the Colombian side, the two leaders agreed to boost coordination on migration management, aiming to improve the processes in the flow of people between the countries. Petro’s administration also emphasized the need to ensure better treatment for Colombian citizens who transit through Mexican airports, following complaints of mistreatment in the past.

This issue has generated complaints for years. In April 2024 Cambio published an in-depth story on the unjustified and abusive behavior of airport officials toward Colombian travelers. “Regardless of the measures being taken by the Embassy, Colombians continue to face xenophobia and mistreatment by immigration officials in Mexico. This includes psychological and verbal abuse, extortion, and unjustified denials of entry, all without access to effective mechanisms to defend their rights, either in Mexico or Colombia”, mentioned the article.

According to Cambio, during the first three months of 2024 alone, 13,839 Colombians were denied entry to Mexico at the airport.

Short after the publication of this piece, the Colombian Ambassador to Mexico, Moisés Ninco Daza, held a meeting with the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Migration Institute, the Migration Policy Unit of the Ministry of the Interior, and the airlines operating between the two countries, that led to a series of agreements that were reached to “improve the treatment of Colombian nationals, eliminating any form of abuse or discrimination,” as Ambassador Ninco announced via Twitter/X.

Nevertheless, the issue was still central in the meeting Petro and Sheinbaum held in December. They also discussed other issues, such as how to deepen collaboration on historical and cultural initiatives, particularly with a new project to locate the remains of José María Melo, a 19th-century Colombian leader whose legacy has been important for Petro.

In an effort of maintaining strong diplomatic relations and fostering regional stability, Petro has also held recent meetings with the presidents of Ecuador, Daniel Noboa, and from Uruguay, Luis Lacalle Pou.

Headline photo: Colombian President Gustavo Petro and Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum (Photo: Presidencia de la República de Colombia).

While security crackdowns are targeting Ecuador’s gangs in the streets, recent cases show that high-level government corruption has also become a massive obstacle in the fight against organized crime.

On March 15, Ecuador’s Attorney General’s Office presented evidence against 13 suspects in the so-called Metastasis Case (Caso Metástasis), which Attorney General Diana Salazar has described as “the largest in [Ecuador’s] history against corruption and drug trafficking.”

Suspects in the case include a former member of the National Assembly and a lead prosecutor for the province of Guayas, whose capital, Guayaquil, is central to the country’s drug trafficking economy.

The sweeping anti-corruption investigation is targeting a drug trafficking network once headed by Leandro Norero, a top ally of the Lobos gang before his murder in 2022. It was first announced to the public with raids of Ecuador’s Judicial Council, a body with the power to suspend and remove judges, in December 2023. Prosecutors initially targeted 30 people linked to Norero’s network, but the number of defendants has now reached 52.

Prosecutors allege that officials from Ecuador’s judiciary, legislature, and security forces received bribes through Norero via his lawyers and other intermediaries in exchange for helping him maintain his criminal empire while behind bars.

In addition, corrupt judges allegedly delayed money laundering cases against Norero’s siblings after receiving bribes, while police and prosecutors on Norero’s payroll passed him information about law enforcement crackdowns both inside and outside prison.

Norero also had links as high as the former president of the Judicial Council, who “planned to buy the decisions of the national magistrates” to achieve a favorable decision in a money laundering case against Norero’s brother, according to the Attorney General’s Office.

Metastasis’ findings have spawned other investigations. On March 5, the attorney general’s office announced Caso Purga (Purge Case), based on texts seized from the phone of a Metastasis suspect. Prosecutors are investigating a dozen judicial officials and lawyers associated with the judicial system in the province of Guayas, for links to organized crime and drug trafficking.

The counter-corruption offensive comes as President Daniel Noboa’s war on gangs moves into its third month. Noboa’s militarized response is widely popular and has resulted in a countrywide reduction in homicides. Still, concerns persist about criminality, especially in Guayaquil, where reports of extortion and kidnappings have dramatically increased this year, according to police statistics accessed by Ecuavisa.

InSight Crime Analysis

While most eyes remain on the fight on the streets, the Ecuadorian government’s real battle may be for control of the state.

Corruption has always existed in Ecuador, but recent cases signal an alarming escalation in its prominence, according to Melania Carrión, a security consultant and former government official specializing in prisons.

“Before, there were officials linked to the drug issue,” she told InSight Crime.
“But there was still respect for state institutions.”

In recent years, elements of the navy, police, and prisons authority have been accused of helping gangs move drugs, access arms, and maintain their criminal enterprises from behind bars. Corruption has also limited the impact of homicide investigations, while killings in the country have jumped from 5.7 per 100,000 in 2018 to 44.5 in 2023.

As part of an attempt to address corruption, Noboa announced the creation of a joint financial crime investigation unit on March 7. The measure will increase collaboration within Ecuador’s government to fight money laundering and other white-collar crimes. He also proposed a constitutional amendment that seeks to close a prominent legal loophole, which allows criminals to stall their trials. Ecuadorians will vote on the amendment at a referendum on April 21.

But even with these measures, government corruption in Ecuador remains a formidable obstacle to reversing the advances of criminal groups. Record quantities of cocaine are flowing through Ecuador, and InSight Crime estimates that just the Colombian cocaine entering the country may be worth nearly one billion dollars to criminal groups helping to store and transport it through the country. Lucrative extortion, kidnapping, and drug dealing markets further bolster gang coffers, providing criminal groups with the means to bribe officials and sometimes even bring them into their fold.

(Photo credit: Xavier Granja Cedeño – Cancillería Ecuador)

This article, written by Gavin Voss, was originally published by InSight Crime, a Medellín-based foundation dedicated to the investigation and analysis of crime and security in Colombia and Latin America.

As Ecuador grapples with a security crisis, senior US military officials visited the country and signed a multimillion-dollar aid portfolio that is being compared to Plan Colombia. But does that comparison hold up?

A delegation that included General Laura Richardson, commander of US Southern Command, met with Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa and other high-ranking officials on January 22 to discuss US-Ecuadorian cooperation in the fight against organized crime.

The visit came less than two weeks after Noboa declared war on Ecuador’s gangs, who responded by wreaking havoc throughout the country. His administration has seen some success in the early days of militarization but lacks a long-term strategy and is struggling to finance the fight.

“We want to help Ecuador through this,” Richardson said in an interview with Ecuadorian news outlet Primicias.

So far, the United States has provided “critical” security and emergency response equipment and has promised a five-year aid portfolio including military equipment, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and capacity building. The aid package is worth around $93 million, Richardson told Primicias.

The United States has also agreed to increase military-to-military cooperation with Ecuador through joint operations, as well as increase intelligence sharing and the presence of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to counter the organized crime threat.

The agreement is being compared to Plan Colombia, a US security assistance program that spent close to $10 billion between 2000 and 2015, about 70% of which went to training, assisting, and equipping Colombia’s military.

While Plan Colombia had some success as a counter-insurgency strategy, especially against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia — FARC), it largely failed as a counter-narcotics strategy and did little to undermine organized crime.

InSight Crime Analysis

The US-Ecuador cooperation agreement contains some elements of Plan Colombia, but it is fundamentally different in size, scope, and commitment.

The cooperation plan includes increases in military-to-military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and training missions – all key characteristics of Plan Colombia. However, there is a significant difference in monetary size. The average annual aid package provided during Plan Colombia was close to $650 million per year, while the proposed aid to Ecuador does not even reach $100 million.

Moreover, while Plan Colombia funneled 70% of its funding towards military hardware, intelligence equipment, helicopters, training exercises, and security advisors, Richardson emphasized the US commitment to long-term goals in Ecuador, including capacity building and humanitarian aid.

Finally, while Ecuador has become a clear strategic priority in the region for the United States, the investment in Colombia also had a personal component for US audiences, according to experts.

“The Colombian reality was in the hearts and minds of politicians,” Dr. Jonathan Rosen, a professor of security policy and author of The Losing War: Plan Colombia and Beyond, told InSight Crime.

“Given its proximity to the United States and given the history, it was not hard to sell people on [Plan Colombia]. Colombia was on the average radar of the American citizen … It was not as ‘distant’ as Ecuador is.”

Yet Plan Colombia did little to disrupt organized crime in the country or the flow of Colombian cocaine to the United States or elsewhere.

“There was a lot of success capturing leaders,” Rosen said. “But Colombia still produces 90% of all cocaine coming to the United States. You’re still seeing a litany of corruption scandals … and you’re seeing organized crime fragment into all these different groups.”

Unlike Colombia, Ecuador has no guerrilla insurgency. Instead, the country faces a complicated criminal landscape where over a dozen groups fight for control of key drug trafficking routes and criminal economies, sometimes forming unstable alliances.

Its institutions are severely debilitated and corrupt, making intelligence sharing a double-edged sword.

“It’s not just worrying, it’s also limiting,” an official in Ecuador’s Interior Ministry who did not have authorization to speak on the record said of links between gangs and Ecuador’s security forces. “We have to understand that organized crime is not something alien to the state.”

What Ecuador needs, experts told InSight Crime, is institutional capacity building and social reforms.

“What we are doing now is not going to eliminate the root cause of the problem,” the Interior Ministry official said. “We are putting on band-aids … short-term measures that won’t stop the problem if there are no structural changes in how society functions and how the social fabric is managed.”

Any aid package must also come with oversight, experts said, including from the United States, as well as Ecuadorian government agencies, civil society groups, and journalists.

“If you give money to corrupt officials, they can squander it,” Rosen said. “There has to be accountability, there has to be transparency … [Get it] in as many places as you can.”

This article, written by Anastasia Austin, was originally published by Insight Crime, a Medellín-based foundation dedicated to the investigation and analysis of crime and security in Colombia and Latin America.

(Photo credit: Xavier Granja Cedeño – Cancillería Ecuador)