The resignation of Wilmar Mejía as chief of Colombia’s National Intelligence Agency has highlighted instability within the country’s main intelligence agency under the government of President Gustavo Petro, which has seen four leadership changes over the past three years.

Mejía confirmed his departure on April 1 in an interview with Canal 1. “When the Inspector General’s Office lifted my suspension, I went to sign my reinstatement document and within 15 minutes I submitted my resignation. I am no longer the director of intelligence,” he said.

The official had been suspended since December 23, 2025, by the Inspector General’s Office as part of a disciplinary investigation “for alleged links to and the provision of information to members of dissident factions of the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).” The Inspector Office said at the time that the measure aimed to prevent possible interference with the process.

Investigation into alleged links to guerrilla dissidents

The case is related to the seizure of digital files belonging to Alexander Díaz Mendoza, known as “Calarcá Córdoba,” a leader of one of the dissident structures grouped under the Estado Mayor de Bloques y Frente (EMBF). Authorities say the documents point to possible contacts with the former intelligence chief.

Mejía has denied any involvement and has argued that the accusations are part of alleged “setups aimed at silencing reports of internal corruption.”

According to the Inspector Office, the investigation “includes possible acts such as the disclosure of military force communication frequency codes and support in the creation of security companies that could facilitate the legalization of weapons in the event of a breakdown in peace talks with the government.”

So far, neither the Inspector General’s Office nor the Attorney General’s Office has concluded its investigations, and no determination of responsibility has been made.

The case has raised concerns about state security and the institutional stability of the agency, considered a key body for the country’s strategic intelligence.

Local media outlets such as El Colombiano have reported that the situation has affected trust among international intelligence partners, suggesting that agencies such as the CIA (United States), MI6 (United Kingdom), and Mossad (Israel) have restricted the sharing of strategic information with Colombia.

Four directors in just over three years

Since Petro took office, the agency has had four directors, all of them close to the president through their past involvement in the M-19 guerrilla group, which signed a peace agreement in 1990.

The instability dates back to the beginning of Petro’s administration. Since August 2022, when Manuel Alberto Casanova Guzmán was appointed, the agency has undergone repeated leadership changes.

Casanova, who faced criticism over his lack of intelligence experience and background as a philosopher, was removed following allegations of involvement in a false extortion case linked to then-Foreign Minister Álvaro Leyva, as reported by Infobae.

He was succeeded by Carlos Ramón González, who later left the post amid investigations into his alleged role in the corruption scandal involving Unidad Nacional de Gestión de Riesgo y Desastres (UNGRD). He is currently in Nicaragua under political asylum, while Colombia has requested his extradition and Interpol has issued a red notice.

Finally, just before Mejía, the agency was led by Jorge Lemus, who served for nearly a year before resigning. He was subsequently appointed by Petro as director of the Unidad de Información y Análisis Financiero (UIAF), amid growing allegations of possible infiltration within the country’s security institutions.

In her comprehensive, first-instance ruling, Judge Heredia systematically validated the arguments presented by the Fiscalía General de la Nación (Attorney General’s Office) while dismantling the defense’s counterarguments for each of the charges. The case centered on a years-long investigation into whether Uribe and his associates manipulated witnesses to discredit accusations linking him to the formation of right-wing paramilitary groups.

“The accused (Uribe) knew of the plan,” Judge Heredia stated definitively, concluding that the charge of bribing a witness in a criminal proceeding in the case of former paramilitary Juan Guillermo Monsalve was proven “beyond all doubt.”

Before delivering her verdict, the judge called for respect for the judicial process, affirming the decision was based strictly on law. She acknowledged the “gallantry and cordiality” of the former president throughout the trial. “This is not a trial against the political history of Colombia, it is not revenge, it is not an act of opposition,” Judge Heredia insisted. “It is an act of justice and only of justice.”

The ruling is a first-instance decision and is subject to a multi-stage appeals process.

Systematic Rejection of Defense Arguments

Judge Heredia dedicated significant time to explaining her legal reasoning, particularly regarding key evidence challenged by Uribe’s defense team, led by attorney Jaime Granados.

A central defense argument was that wiretapped conversations between Uribe and his then-lawyer, Diego Cadena, should be inadmissible due to attorney-client privilege. The judge firmly rejected this, stating that professional privilege cannot shield criminal activity. “The practice of law would have been denatured as a means to hide conduct,” she declared, adding that “professional secrecy cannot become a barrier to detecting punishable acts.”

Similarly, the court validated crucial recordings made by witness Juan Guillermo Monsalve on a spy watch, which captured conversations with Cadena. The defense had hired an expert who questioned the integrity of the files. However, the judge found that any technical questions were “not sufficient to deny the identity between the original file, the one delivered to the Court, and the one presented in the oral trial.” She gave full credibility to the testimonies of Monsalve and his ex-partner, Deyanira Gómez, who helped secure the recordings.

Genesis of the Case: An Investigation That Backfired

The complex legal saga began not with an investigation into Uribe, but with one he initiated. On September 17, 2014, Senator Iván Cepeda held a debate in the Senate of the Republic on the history of paramilitarism in Antioquia. During the debate, he presented testimony from former paramilitaries linking Uribe and his brother, Santiago, to the founding of the Bloque Metro of the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC).

In response, Uribe filed a complaint with the Corte Suprema de Justicia (Supreme Court of Justice)—the high court for members of congress—accusing Cepeda of manipulating those same witnesses. However, after investigating, the Supreme Court found inconsistencies in Uribe’s claims. On February 16, 2018, it took the dramatic step of closing the case against Cepeda and opening a formal investigation into former President Uribe for witness tampering, setting the current trial in motion.

Next Steps: Sentencing and Appeals

With the guilty verdict delivered, Judge Heredia has scheduled a hearing in August to read the full sentence, which will detail the length of the prison term and the complete reasoning behind the conviction.

Following the August sentencing, the legal process will continue. “Once that sentence is read, all parties are given the opportunity to file an appeal,” explained lawyer Santiago Trespalacios to El Colombiano. “When the appeal is filed, there are five days to support it, and then the decision goes to the Superior Tribunal of Bogotá.”

A three-magistrate panel at the tribunal would then review the case and rule on the appeal. If that second-instance decision is challenged, the case could ultimately return to the Supreme Court of Justice for a final judgment.

Uribe’s lead counsel, Jaime Granados, has noted that the nature of the crimes could allow for alternatives to prison. “We are certainly talking about a scenario where, due to the very nature of the offenses, they admit house arrest,” he stated.

“Under no circumstances may anyone outside the air traffic control services be permitted to manipulate the control communications equipment.” – Aerocivil

According to a statement from Aerocivil, the agency took immediate action following the incident. Through Resolution 1923, issued on July 25, the aeronautical licenses of the air traffic controllers directly involved have been temporarily suspended pending the outcome of the investigation.

In addition to the suspensions, the Office of Internal Disciplinary Control has opened a case (2025/178) into five other officials who may have been connected to the event. The aviation authority has also announced its intention to refer the findings of its internal investigation to the Attorney General’s Office of Colombia to determine whether the acts warrant criminal charges against the controllers.

Video shows the teen providing runway coordinates, directions, landing authorizations & other weather information to airline pilots.

In its public statements, Aerocivil tried to reassure the public, saying that while the incident represents a “serious violation of air safety regulations,” established security protocols were activated, and at no point were active flight operations compromised. The authority emphasized that the actions of the individuals under investigation do not reflect the standards of the majority of its air traffic control professionals.

El Dorado International Airport is operated by Operadora Aeroportuaria Internacional (OPAIN S.A.), a private consortium. The airport is a critical hub for passenger and cargo traffic in Latin America. OPAIN has not yet issued a public statement on the matter.

Video provided by RCN

Right away, the situation raised concerns of child sexual exploitation, echoing similar cases in Medellín.
The Mayor of Medellín, Federico Gutierrez, shared the details of the case on X/Twitter to express his rejection of sexual exploitation of children and teenagers. “Last year we increased the arrests of foreigners for this crime by 1,100%. We will continue until we eradicate the sexual exploitation of children and teenagers in Medellín,” he tweeted.

The two French nationals were arrested for crimes of commercial sexual exploitation of minors, while the minors were handed over to the ICBF (Colombian Institute of Family Welfare).

However, according to the Colombia newspaper El Tiempo, investigations by the Attorney General’s Office of Colombia revealed that the teens, who had been invited by the French men to their accommodation, took advantage of the fact that the two men were under the effects of substances to rob them and beat them, contrary to the first version that was known. El Tiempo points out that they intended to steal around $700,000 Colombian pesos (approximately $175 USD) from the foreigners.

Based on this evidence, the Attorney General’s Office charged the teens with qualified aggravated theft. The 16-year-old was placed in a juvenile detention center, while the 15-year-old was released but remains under judicial oversight. Both denied the charges. On the other side, the case against the French nationals continues, and they have not been cleared of the allegations of child sexual exploitation.

Headline Photo: Casa Kiwi Hostel, Medellin (Photo: Facebook / Casa Kiwi Hostel, Medellin)

The first arrest involved an individual known as “El Mexicano,” who had been operating in Medellín for over four years. He was apprehended at the Milla de Oro shopping center, following a joint operation by the Medellín City Hall, the National Police of Colombia, and Mexico’s Federal Police. “El Mexicano,” who presented himself as a businessman in Parque Lleras, allegedly recruited women under false pretenses, subjecting them to human trafficking for sexual exploitation.

Authorities revealed that this individual resided in the affluent El Poblado neighborhood and possessed armored vehicles and assets valued at over $8 billion COP. His criminal activities spanned multiple regions, including Medellín, Bogotá, and Valle del Cauca in Colombia, as well as Cancún and Mérida in Mexico. The operation to dismantle his network took over 90 days, during which investigators uncovered how victims were deceived with false promises, coerced into signing exploitative contracts in Mexico, and stripped of their identification documents.

“El Mexicano” is currently in the custody of Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office, pending extradition to Mexico, where he faces charges related to aggravated human trafficking and sexual exploitation.

In a separate incident, a Peruvian national residing in the United States was arrested at José María Córdova International Airport. The arrest was part of an ongoing initiative against the sexual exploitation of minors, coordinated by the Medellín City Hall, the Metropolitan Police of the Aburrá Valley, the Attorney General’s Office, and Migration Colombia, with support from the U.S. Embassy’s Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) unit.

This individual is accused of exploiting several minors in Medellín’s Belén neighborhood. He reportedly used digital platforms to rent accommodations where he conducted illicit activities. Investigators seized two mobile phones from the suspect, which are expected to provide crucial evidence of his communications with victims. The suspect allegedly targeted economically vulnerable girls aged 14 and 15 between 2022 and 2023, offering payments ranging from $150,000 to $300,000 COP for their exploitation.

The Peruvian national has been charged by the Attorney General’s Office with sexual exploitation and commercial exploitation of minors. To date, eight foreign nationals have been arrested in 2024 on similar charges.

Medellín’s Mayor Federico Gutiérrez Zuluaga emphasized that the city will not serve as a refuge for criminals. He affirmed the city’s commitment to working with international partners like Interpol to ensure continued efforts against these crimes. “Medellín is not a haven for criminals. Anyone who comes here with the intent to break the law will be apprehended,” stated Gutiérrez.

The recent arrests highlight the city’s ongoing struggle against human trafficking and sexual exploitation, as authorities seek to safeguard vulnerable communities from such transnational crimes.

#Medellín | Envían a la cárcel a un ciudadano estadounidense identificado como Brandon Seth Wood, por el delito de demanda de explotación sexual comercial con un menor de edad.

Ampliación en https://t.co/l1e7QwzG8J pic.twitter.com/gXbizLlgO8

— Red+ Noticias (@RedMasNoticias) April 27, 2024

Finance Colombia was able to determine that a US citizen with the same name, and with ties to both Clearwater, Florida and Ohio had his license to practice as a Doctor of Chiropractic (DC) revoked in 2020 due to cocaine abuse (Florida case 201626767, Department of health license CH9075), though at time of publication it is inconclusive whether this is the same individual.

Medellín’s Mayor Federico “Fico” Gutierrez is leading a campaign to crack down on sex tourism and vice in Colombia’s second largest city, and in the first four months of 2024 there have been many arrests, including at least nine high-profile arrest of foreign sex-tourists. While prostitution is not criminalized in Colombia, organizing prostitution, or “pimping” is illegal, and sexual contact with minors is strictly prohibited and subject to severe punishment.

Camargo has a law degree from Bogotá’s Universidad De La Sabana, and a criminal law specialization from the Universidad Libre de Colombia. She has a professional career spanning 35 years, in which she has been a criminal investigation judge, a lawyer for the Sectional Directorate of Criminal Investigation of Bogotá, and an official at the Attorney General’s Office where she was a delegate prosecutor before the criminal judges. of the circuit, assistant prosecutor and delegate prosecutor before the Supreme Court of Justice. She worked as an assistant magistrate of the Criminal Cassation Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice.

Camargo served as head of the investigation and litigation department at the UN International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala. She has been a consultant for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in the Office of the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression and was part of the Special Monitoring Team for the precautionary measures granted for the kidnapping of three journalists in Ecuador. She provided consulting to institutions such as Consucol SAS, Corporación Justicia y Democracia, the Forjando Futuros foundations in association with Indepaz, Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, the Colombian Commission of Jurists and the Somos Defensores Program.

Source: Colombia’s Supreme Court of Justice

Click on the image above to watch the video.

• Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro’s Struggle to Name An Attorney General.
• Petro’s improvisational governance causing wide ranging problems for Colombia.
• Medellín’s Mayoral Runner Up & Quintero relative kicked out of city council.
• Medellín Mayor “Fico’s” first embarrassment, culture secretary already ousted.
• Public skepticism for Petro’s “Total Peace” initiative shrinks amid increasing violence. https://www.financecolombia.com/hope-is-fading-for-petros-total-peace-after-diaz-kidnapping-and-suspension-of-emc-negotiations/
• Homicides & suspicious deaths involving tourists reaches alarming levels. https://www.financecolombia.com/us-embassy-warns-of-rise-in-violent-crime-in-medellin-via-online-dating-applications/
• Losing the Panam Games is a major embarrassment for Petro Administration & loss for the entire country. https://www.financecolombia.com/colombia-working-to-restore-barranquilla-as-panam-games-host-city-after-rights-were-stripped-for-breach-of-contract/
• Claudia Lopez’s legacy as mayor of Bogotá. https://www.financecolombia.com/bogota-mayor-issues-ultimatum-to-colombian-consortium-building-metro-on-design-delays/
• Petro loses latest round in battle over Bogotá Metro. https://www.financecolombia.com/bogota-metro-faces-more-controversy-as-project-infighting-again-spills-into-the-public-sphere/
• The economy is stalling, reaching only 0.6% growth. https://www.nasdaq.com/articles/colombias-economy-grew-modestly-in-2023-as-rate-cut-calls-grow
• JetSmart launches domestic operations in Colombia. https://www.financecolombia.com/jetsmart-to-start-offering-domestic-routes-within-colombia-on-march-14/
• Avianca changes unaccompanied minor policy. https://www.financecolombia.com/avianca-ends-unaccompanied-minor-service-for-travelers-under-14-years-old/
• Foreign Minister Alvaro Leyva ousted by prosecutors, replaced by Luis Gilberto Murillo. https://www.financecolombia.com/colombian-foreign-affairs-minister-suspended-for-improper-handling-of-passport-printing-bid-process/
• Piedad Córdoba dies, leaving a mixed and controversial legacy. https://www.financecolombia.com/ruminating-on-the-right-and-left-of-colombian-politics-following-the-death-of-piedad-cordoba/
• Collective Mining (TSX.V CNL) increases drilling in Caldas. https://www.financecolombia.com/collective-mining-encounters-strong-porphyry-mineralization-mobilizes-second-rig/

Don’t forget! Come meet the team and me at the March 7 AI/ChatGPT Happy Hour at the Marquee Hotel in Medellín.

Thursday March 7 2024 Rooftop, Marquee Hotel Medellín 5:30pm Cash Bar

Disclosure: As mentioned, the presenter is long on Collective. Collective is not a sponsor of Finance Colombia or this podcast.

The president’s eldest son promised to reveal the names of high-ranking government officials, prominent business people, and Colombians tied to narcotics operations who, according to Nicolás Petro, were involved with money of dubious origin that exceeded permitted election campaign limits and was not registered in the accounting of the 2022 campaign team.

Photo: President Gustavo Petro (right) posing for a photo with his son Nicolás Petro. (Credit: Presidencia de la Republica)

This political earthquake was set in motion on July 29 when the president’s son was arrested on charges of illicit enrichment and money laundering related to funds allegedly connected to drug traffickers. His ex-wife, Daysuris Vásquez, was also arrested.

Per reports, Vásquez, who has been accused of money laundering and violating private data, has agreed to cooperate with the office of the attorney general and is providing information useful to the investigators, including funds tied to Samuel Santander Lopesierra (known as “The Marlboro Man”), who spent 18 years in a US jail for drug trafficking.

President Petro has distanced himself from his son’s actions, saying publicly that “I did not raise him.” Last weekend, the South American country was shaken by an interview in weekly news magazine Semana in which Nicolás Petro revealed that his father used him as a game chip and always kept a cold relationship with him and his mother, Katia Burgos, who was Gustavo Petro’s first wife.

During the hearings, prosecutor Mario Burgos unveiled a detailed record of Nicolás Petro alleged illicit enrichment and money laundering. His account showed that Nicolás spent large amounts of money on luxury goods — totaling more than $242,000 USD in expenses overall — that did not align with his wage as a deputy in the department of Atlántico

Documents and conversation recordings supplied by Daysuris Vásquez also allegedly showed that she and Nicolás Petro took part in a money laundering practice of purchasing properties under the names of third parties to give the appearance of legitimacy.

Burgos, the prosecutor, exhibited a graphic detailing the first son’s connections with politicians, shady individuals, businessmen, and some people close to Gustavo Petro, including Verónica Alcocer, with whom Nicolás admitted to having a serious grudge in his conversation with Semana.

Late in the night, on August 4, Ómar Beltrán, the judge in charge of the procedures, decided to send both to Barranquilla under probation, sparing them the prison due to their commitment to collaborate with law enforcement and identify those involved in what appears to be a web of dirty money and illicit activity yet to be brought to the spotlight.

Callbacks to the 8,000 Process in Colombia

“If any leak of money was verified, in any case, its entry would have been behind my back.” On the night of July 27, 1995 — a little more than a year after he was elected — this statement by former Colombian President Ernesto Samper Pizano took a nation’s breath away. For the first time, a head of state had acknowledged that campaign funding tied to drug trafficking had been used.

Everything began on June 15, 1994, when an unknown individual gave audio recordings to presidential candidate Andrés Pastrana that the individual said would prove Samper’s campaign team accepted financial resources from Cali Cartel drug kingpins, brothers Miguel and Gilberto Rodríguez Orejuela.

The Colombian press called the incident “The Narco Cassettes” once they learned that they contained a conversation between the crime bosses and Alberto Giraldo, a corrupt journalist, about delivering $1.2 million USD to the campaign.

In the 1994 election, held on May 29 (first round) and June 19 (second round), Samper had won by a narrow margin of less than 20,000 votes. Pastrana later delivered the tapes of the recording to outgoing President César Gaviria, and on June 21 — two days after Samper’s victory — the recordings were published in the press.

In April 1995, after the attorney general’s office started the investigations, the Cali prosecutor’s assigned file number was 8,000, prompting the media to name the saga “Process 8,000.” Following this bombshell, Samper’s term became largely devoted to defending himself from those accusations.

Laura Lorena Jácome, narrating in the digital vault of Señal Memoria RTVC, said that the scandal implicated high-ranking government officials, including then-defense minister Fernando Botero; campaign treasurer Santiago Medina, and administrative manager Juan Manuel Avella. All three were sent to prison.

Ernesto Samper faced a trial in the Committee on Accusations of the House of Representatives, the lower chamber of the Colombian Congress. On December 13, 1995, congressional representatives found him not guilty by a vote of 111-43, however, and Samper has since maintained his innocence to this day.

Despite the committee’s result, critics noted that the majority of involved politicians had backed Samper from the beginning and thus questioned their commitment to finding the truth. Many sarcastically referred to the body as the “Absolution Committee.”

The Political Investigation to Come

Now, regarding the charges surrounding his son, Back to the present, Gustavo Petro has designated Mauricio Pava Lugo as his legal representative in the matter. This news comes as Wadith Manzur, president of the congressional investigative committee, announced that a probe is being conducted by the body, which includes representatives Alirio Uribe of the Historic Pact Party (which backed Petro’s election), Olga Lucía Velásquez of the Green Alliance Party, and Wilmer Carrillo of the Party of the U.

In a sense, President Petro’s fate in the scandal may rest in their hands.  The committee members have the option of archiving the investigation due to a lack of evidence, if Nicolás Petro does not deliver enough proof to the prosecutors. Or, if they find otherwise, they can present an accusation before the House of Representatives, which would then have to approve any motion by majority. If that happens, Colombia’s President could be indicted and face impeachment in the Senate.

Simultaneously, Petro’s campaign manager, Ricardo Roa, who is currently in charge of the state oil company Ecopetrol, will answer before the National Electoral Council (CNE) for the campaign procedures. (The decisions reached by the institution in this matter will only affect his actions and not affect Gustavo Petro.)

Roa told Blu Radio that Nicolás Petro did not take part in Petro’s presidential campaign, while maintaining that there was no use of shady money under his watch and denying rumors that he would resign from his position at Ecopetrol.

President Petro wrote on his Twitter account: “I wish my son luck and strength. May these events build his character, and may he reflect on his mistakes…As a person and father, it hurts to see so much self-destruction.” 

When the scandal was brought into the open last March, Petro distanced himself from his son, claiming not to have raised him and disavowed knowledge of his actions in a news interview. Daysuris Vásquez at the time accused Nicolás Petro of receiving narcotrafficking money during his father’s political campaign on Colombia’s Caribbean coast last year.

The arrest results from charges leveled by Nicolas Petro’s ex-wife, who accused him of taking narcotics money in the name of his father’s campaign, then keeping the cash for himself.

According to President Petro, he was an active insurgent, hiding and fighting in the ranks of the guerrilla group M-19 (an acronym for the 19th of April Movement), which kept him away from his son, as he explained in the interview to Cambio.

Along with Nicolás Petro’s detention, the Attorney General’s Office stated through a press release that Daysuris Vásquez was indicted for money laundering and personal data violations in actions that occurred since 2022. 

The ex wife of Petro’s oldest son affirmed that he received the illicit campaign funds but did not hand it over to the campaign team, and instead he squandered it on luxury goods. In the most serious allegations against him, she assured that the resources were provided by the well-known drug lord, Samuel Santander Lopesierra, who goes by the nickname “Marlboro Man.”

Vásquez attested that the delinquent allegedly donated $124,000 USD to Petro’s campaign. Santander Lopesierra was incarcerated in a US jail for 18 years after being convicted of drug trafficking. Meanwhle, Gustavo Petro has repeatedly denied any kind of illegitimate connection.

Guido Hurtado, a researcher and political analyst in Cali, in the southwest of Colombia, a region that heavily favored Petro’s presidential election, sought to defend the Petro family, opining to Finance Colombia that “it is undoubtedly a political persecution but adjusted to the law. They disguised behind the law’s actuation that government pursuit. They do not apply the law this way to all the people.”

On the other hand, the same prosecutor’s office has active charges against Uribe protegé and former Vice President Oscar Ivan Zuluaga, and it was Nicolas Petro’s own ex-wife who first denounced him for the alleged corruption with which he is charged. Furthermore, President Petro himself demanded an investigation into any wrongdoing by his son. It was this very investigation that led to today’s charges.

Nicolás Petro and his resumé of controversies

The first wife of Gustavo Petro, Katia Burgos, is the mother of the president ‘s eldest son, Nicolás Petro Burgos. Nicolas studied law at the Pontificia Universidad Bolivariana and later obtained a master’s degree in climate change from an Ibero-American university, and a master’s degree in government and public management for Latin America at Pompeu Fabra University in Barcelona, Spain. He lived several years in Barranquilla (Atlántico Department’s capital), one of the bigger cities in the north of Colombia.

Likewise, he pursued the political career of his father and ran for the governorship of Atlántico in 2018, being defeated by Elsa Noguera, which led —thanks to the opposition statute— to his occupying a seat in the Department’s Assembly —in practice, a collegial body that functions as a regional congress.

The dauphin has been in the eye of the storm several times. On January 5, 2023, Musa Abraham Besaile Flórez, son of a former senator who is being prosecuted for parapolitics —politicians who had secret ties with illegal armed groups that operated as private armies and fought the guerrilla troops—published a photo on his social networks together with Petro Burgos. At the time, he was showered with criticism for his questionable alliances.

Nicolas Petro was also sanctioned in December 2022 by the National Electoral Council (CNE) after two years of investigation for possible irregularities in the campaign to reach the governorship of Atlántico. And a sentence was imposed on him that forced Petro Burgos to pay a fine of approximately $3,800 USD.

Above photo: (l-r) Nicolas Petro, Day Vasquez, Gustavo Petro (photo: Petro presidential campaign)